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The author first provides a concise historical overview of New Zealand education, before examining what he calls the "big bang" in education in the 1980s. Subsequently, the author focuses on the impact of IOs on education policy, politics, and polity in New Zealand. Emphasis is placed on how IO governance has guided and facilitated the "phase of stabilization and optimization" since the drastic reform of the 1980s. Particular attention is dedicated to how New Zealand has managed tensions between various guiding principles on education, for example, human capital vs. human right, and the potential impact of IOs. The conclusion offers a summarizing analysis of the findings through the prism of state transformation capacity and international stimuli for policy change. (DIPF/Orig.).

"In this paper the author discusses different aspects and options for infrastructure policies during and after the financial and economic crisis. The author distinguishes between short-term objectives and more structural long-term objectives. Almost all countries, and certainly Germany, the EU, and the United States, used infrastructure spending policies as a pro-active instrument to stimulate the economy. However, the window of opportunity to challenge the traditional allocation of infrastructure expenses was not actively used. From a structural perspective, the crisis has high-lighted new challenges, such as the development of appropriate organizational models for providing, financing, and producing in network infrastructures, and the readjustment of incentive regulation in the light of substantial infrastructure investment requirements. 'The economic crisis can prove the catalyst to a more imaginative approach to infrastructure - holding up demand, creating jobs and providing future generations with a set of assets.' (Helm et al. 2009, S. 8)" (author's abstract)

This article discusses the effects of the separation of functions in basic income support, as found in the evaluation according to paragraph 6c of Social Code II (SGB II), in which the efficiency of 'ARGE' administration associations and 'opting' municipalities was compared. The article considers the development of separated service functions, the organisation of the service process within the scope of SGB II, the governance of separated functions, and the organisation of the service processes at the interfaces to further social legislation in the Federal Employment Agency's (BA) and municipalities' areas of responsibility. The separation of functions constitutes a model of implementation not legally intended, which contradicts structurally a previously central aim of reform, namely a unique provider of services. The author concludes that the extent of cooperation between service providers, within the scope of SGB II and beyond, depends on the locally operating decision-makers. In general, there is a contradiction between the welfare-state-oriented logic of SGB II and the economic logic of SGB III. In the light of the BA's focus on fiscal efficiency, the author perceives a danger of 'the economic logic predominating and potentially disadvantaging hard-to-place employment-seeking persons, or of long-term and holistic integration strategies remaining under-developed'. (IAB)

This chapter [...] will present the current Swiss education system including its German and French historical roots. In the third part, the empirical analysis demonstrates that Swiss education underwent remarkable changes, which were triggered by the PISA Study and the Bologna Process - despite reform-hindering domestic settings responsible for the backlog of reforms in the 1980s and 1990s. In the fourth part, the author evaluates the influence of IO governance instruments and national transformation capacities on reform processes in Swiss education policymaking and shows how the international initiatives were able to impact on Switzerland and how they functioned as triggers for significant domestic change. The concluding part provides a final summary of main findings and points to subjects of further research. (DIPF/Orig.).

In the context of research on the organisational implementation of the Social Code II (SGB II), the research area 2 'implementation and governance analysis' has conducted extensive analyses of the conception and execution of policy measures. This article comments the results and supplements them by analyses of the Institute for Employment Research (IAB) in the context of general impact research in the scope of SGB II. The author concludes that a relatively uniform understanding of SGB II services emerges across boundaries of organisation models. Across models, there are difficulties in the allocation of persons to measures and the individual design of the service process, which corresponds to the heterogeneity of the clientele. Awareness of these processes must be raised in research and practise. (IAB)

Because the competence for education is situated within the German Länder, this level is taken into account by focusing on Bavaria and North Rhine-Westphalia (NRW). Both are suitable for analysis because they are comparatively similar in terms of population. In contrast, the political preconditions are significantly different in each. While NRW's political structure is shaped by a more social-democratic tradition, Bavaria is influenced by conservative political forces. To conduct the analysis the author drew on the methods of document analysis and expert interviews [...]. Primary documents were taken from official publications of IOs and the German institutions of education policymaking. Additionally, 13 semi-standardized expert interviews were conducted with German education experts, comprising representatives of Federal and Länder ministries of education, officials from coordinating administrative institutions, education-related unions, and education researchers. In the next section of this chapter the systems of secondary and higher education in Germany are described by focusing on the political dimension of education policymaking. Against the background of historical developments in both areas the basic features of Germany's education system - and thus its national transformation capacities - are summarized. The third section focuses on implemented secondary and higher education reforms in Germany since the 1980s and highlights the most important changes on the level of policy, politics, and polity. Here, a clear distinction between a pre-PISA/Bologna period and a post-PISA/Bologna period can be drawn. The emergence of both international processes triggered comprehensive reform dynamics in Germany. The fourth section of this chapter directly links the reform processes to both IO governance instruments and national transformation capacities. The author analyzes how the impact of international initiatives is mediated through national factors and how IOs succeeded in influencing secondary education as well as higher education. The conclusion contrasts the empirical findings with the introduced theoretical framework and gives an outlook for further research. (DIPF/Orig.).

This chapter will examine early world views of education policy which argued for and against stimulating economic prosperity and social cohesion by means of - what the author calls - the educating state. The chapter then will outline the institutional formation of the educating state in the history of nation-building since the eighteenth century. The thesis contends that the political economy of the educating state does indeed explain the value of the utilization of education for improving power, wealth, and integration of competing nations as universally driving forces in history. Finally, a study of front-page coverage of education policy in leading American, UK and German newspapers shows how interacting forces of national path-dependencies and universal forces are represented in the public discourse in the second half of the twentieth century. (DIPF/Orig.).

In this chapter the authors show that England [...] introduced reforms earlier than other countries, and IO governance does not have a major impact on the English system. However, policymakers in England also underestimated the pressure of these international processes and now have to deal with the question of conforming to them closely or not. [...] To explore the question of IO governance in English education, the authors will proceed as follows. First, they provide a brief overview of education policy in England and particularly focus on veto players and national guiding principles of education. After outlining the participation in international initiatives, namely the PISA Study and the Bologna Process, the author will discuss the main reforms in secondary and higher education from 1980 onward. In a third step, they assess the influence of IOs on education policymaking in England by accounting for transformation capacities there as mediators of change. Finally, the empirical findings are summarized and discussed referring to the theoretical framework of this volume. [...] The qualitative data originates from 5 semi-standardized interviews the authors conducted with education stakeholders and policymakers in England. (DIPF/Orig.).

Training measures are among the most frequently employed instruments of labour market policy. In the context of impact research according to paragraph 6c of Social Code II (SGB II), it was found that significant effects of training measures can be expected regarding the improvement of employment perspectives. The author deals with the question, as excluded from continuous SGB II impact research, of the effects' reasons, and investigates the different effects of various types of measures, the intentions of the allocation of measures, the process of allocation, and the effects of the announcement of training measures. She finds that already the intention by which labourers employ non-firm-specific training measures is less aimed at direct integration than is the case with firm-related measures. Non-firm-related training measures, in her opinion, therefore should take place at an early stage. There is also evidence that non-firm-related training measures can be employed as a means of obligating participants to make an effort by themselves. 'In this realm, however, policy should operate cautiously and under no circumstances on a national level, since otherwise there is a danger of a crowding-out from the reception of social assistance in the short run'. (IAB)

The article investigates what effect the introduction of the experiment clause in the Social Code II (in the context of the Hartz IV reforms) has on the institutional regulation structures of labour market policy. The central thesis is that in this policy field, for the solution of a legislation dilemma over the experiment clause, a new form of governance has been introduced, which appears as a highly complex and dynamic form of governance modes, and structures both the governance of each implementation model and the strategic interaction relationships between the models. This new form of governance is defined and described as a 'constitutional experiment'. Next, it is investigated which particular interests of collective agents have influenced the development of legal regulation structures and especially of the experiment clause; also, consequences of the new governance form for the respective regulation structures in particular models of operation are discussed. Next to this, the relationship between the change of regulation structures on super-ordinate levels, and processes of institutionalisation of regulation structures and governance modes on subordinate levels is investigated. The author concludes that the interaction of the private competition mode with public and mixed public-private modes of operation lead to a deformation of competition, the consequences of which are discussed in concluding. (IAB)

"The author opens up the debate by looking at the example of climate change. While over a long time only perceived as a threat to the elusive and abstract concept of 'environment' or to people far away either in time or in space or both, today climate change is on everyone's lips, not only as a fact, but undoubtedly also as a global risk. This becomes also evident by the inclusion of climate change into the discourses on national and international security. Richert analyses how, on the one hand, this 'securitization' of the topic, i.e. its treatment in a framework of security, has affected political decision-making and how, on the other hand, this very process has altered the meaning of security. By taking the climate politics in the US Senate from 2000 to 2008 as an example, he argues that the perception of climate change as risk or threat has been the main driver behind climate policy. At the same time, the perception of climate change as a threat has intensified. On the question of how the securitization is affecting climate change decision-making, empirical findings appear ambiguous. Although securitization has indeed led to traditional security legislation, as critics of securitization as strategy for agenda setting would have expected, these initiatives are outweighed by the securitization's effect on climate policymaking. Nevertheless, the debate has 'allowed for a significant step forward in the climate policy of the US Senate'." (extract)

"The author sets out to explain the European Union's military operations in Africa. Are they, he asks, humanitarian responses to alleviate human suffering at the other end of the world? And are they intended to react to an increasing number of internal conflicts before their sheer number and scope turn into a global risk? Burckhardt analyses the international role of the EU as great power versus civilian power by looking at the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), and the EU missions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in 2003 and 2006 in particular. He argues that the activities of the EU can best be explained in the framework of realism and by considering the EU as a great power since it intervenes to gain prestige - and not to alleviate misery and stop serious violations of human rights. Thus, Burckhardt concludes, the EU undertakes military intervention to serve first and foremost its own concerns and not acting out of humanitarian concerns. With regards to global risks, it seems that the EU uses situations that are commonly perceived as (global) risks, i.e. deadly internal conflicts in Africa, to put forward its own interest in strengthening its status as a great power. This behaviour, in turn, can lead to the emergence of other, new risks: less cooperation with other actors such as the UN and hence a weakening of multilateral institutions, arbitrary (non-)reaction to or disregard of situations in which reaction is really needed (e.g. Darfur), and over-emphasis of military responses to international threats to the detriment of preventive measures and international law." (extract)

"The second contribution in this part deals with a completely different but highly topical risk. By switching focus from state actors to private actors, Joris Larik searches for ways to curtail the currently largely unfettered power of multinational corporations. With yearly turnovers that sometimes exceed the gross national product of states and corresponding political influence, such corporations not only theoretically can, but in the past repeatedly have, created detrimental effects for states and individuals in their sphere of operations. On the other hand, viable international solutions to subject multinational corporations to international rules and obligations comparable to those applicable to states are missing, except for voluntary partnerships like the UN Global Compact introduced by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan or efforts to make human rights obligations applicable to multinational corporations. Larik therefore explores possibilities to extent the applicability of international criminal law to legal persons such as corporations. Instead of interpreting a given treaty, the author shows how often-mentioned theoretical 'stumbling blocks' such as establishing a corporation's criminal intent (mens rea), corporate complicity, and means of punishment for corporations can be overcome. He demonstrates that all three issues are not irresolvable and that international criminal law bears the potential to give remedy to victims not only to crimes committed by states and individuals but also by multinational corporations. Only in extending the scope of international criminal law to multinational corporations, Larik argues, can the former live up to its role not only as a means to punish but also to protect." (extract)