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The business firm (BF) should be viewed as a pol'al system, thus clarifying both conventional econ theories of the BF & suggesting ways of dealing with classical problems in the theory of pol'al systems. The argument hinges upon: (i) a general statement of the theoretical problem involved in decision-models of complex systems, (ii) an evaluation of 2 major approaches to the problem [these are (a) the imputation of a superordinate goal re which conflict can be mediated - typical of theories of pol'al coalitions, & (b) the description of a process by which decisions are reached without explicit comparison of utilities -typical of theories of BF's] , & (iii) an examination of the results of recent attempts to develop a revised theory of the BF on the basis of a few key pol'al concepts. From this implications emerge for pol'al sci: (1) Recent experience indicates that the BF can be viewed as a pol'al conflict system, (2) successes with computer program models in the analysis of pol'al systems within BF support the view that computer programs provide a powerful language for treatment of pol'al conflict systems generally, (3) the apparent theoretical similarity between the pol'al coalition in business & the pol'al coalition in gov'al org suggests that the substantive features of recent behavioral models of the BF may be useful as a basis for comparable models of gov'al decision making. IPSA.

Although the Constitution envisages the responsibility of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Bosnia and Hercegovina to settle all the disputes among the separate entities which occur in the implementation of the Constitution, Annex 5 of the Constitution still envisages arbitration as a way of solving mutual disputes of the separate entities, which once again stress their independence as states, to the detriment of the strength of the federal state form into which they are united. (SOI : BF: S. 331)

Europe today knows an unprecedented level of genuine cooperation. The countries of Europe realise more and more that cooperation is not only in their general economic interest, but also in the strategic interest of the whole of Europe. This is a new, historically significant fact for the continent and we must follow it up, so that the full potential of this evolution can be implemented. On the ground, in Bosnia, there is genuine practical cooperation between Allies and partners. Thirty-two countries are working together, within a peace coalition, to implement the military aspects of the Paris peace agreement. (SOI : BF: S. 329)

This paper generalises the results of the research "The Ethno-cultural situation in Bulgaria" conducted during 1994 - a project which was assisted by the International Centre for Minority Problems and Cultural Interactions in Sofia. The research into the inter-ethnic tensions includes, above all, an analysis of ethnic prejudices and social distance among the four basic groups - Bulgarians, Turks, Romanies and Bulgarian Moslems. It also includes an analysis of the attitude towards the permitted norms in declaring one's ethnic identity and research into inter-ethnic differences in more general value orientations. The ethno-cultural situation in Bulgaria is on the international plane with the basic accent on the Balkan context. (SOI : BF: S. 333)

In the parallel Serb and Albanian states that exist side by side in Kosovo, without ever interacting, the most celebrated virtue is total commitment to one's community. Those that feel oppressed within the garisson state that they have helped to construct, may leave the region altogether but cannot cross the invisible community borders. Thus Albanians or Serbs become "modular" only by escaping into another segmentary community of their own race and culture. When they commit the act of apostasy (i.e., Albanians who decide to work for Serb-run state agencies) they are ostracised by their own community and at the same time are not able to fit into the culture of the adversary. (SOI : BF: S. 330)

Bosnia and Hercegovina may be taken as a fresh and convincing case of the irony of history which was at work yesterday, and it is certainly at work today in so-called transitional processes. It is the irony of history which turns frequently and under certain circumstances necessarily sublime ideals, lofty values and noble intentions into their direct antipodes. It is the irony of history at work there demonstrating that the same forces which had had an important part in internal weakening and final collapse of the old regime, that is the political forces of nationalism, have been the one to become since this collapse the main threat to a peaceful process of reconstruction of these societies, oriented to welfare and political democracy. (SOI : BF: S. 331)

All the norms of the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia regarding the status and rights of nationalities point to the indisputable conclusion that they are in conformity with standards regarding the status and these rights, and some of them even envisage a higher normative standard. The practice of their implementation so far, also points to the indisputable conclusion that they are real and applicable in their essence and basic content. This conclusion is also confirmed with regard to the Albanian nationality as the most numerous among all nationalities living in the Republic of Macedonia. It is expressed through their presence in the Assembly of the Republic of Macedonia and the responsible functions they have in the state administration and the other institutions of the system. (SOI : BF: S. 3321)

For decades, the communist regime identified Turkey as the main threat to Bulgaria's unity, and the ethnic Turks as potential traitors. This gave way to an offcial policy which reached its peak after 1984, when the Communist Party carried out a campaign of ethnic cleansing. Under this so-called "revival" process, Turks were declared to be Bulgarians who had been forced to accept a foreign language and an alien faith during Turkish rule. For the "rebulgarization," the Communist Party used not only the existing repressive police mechanisms but involved tens of thousands of ordinary Bulgarians, among whom they fostered deep anti-Turkish prejudice. This policy dealt with every visible sign of Turkish culture: names, language, religious traditions and way of life. (SOI : BF: S. 333)