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P. 5: 94. Congress, 2. Session, June-September 1975. - 1975. - S. 757-970, Tab., Diagr.; P. 7: 94. Congress, 2. Session, March-July 1976. - 1976. - S. 1145-1361, Tab., Diagr.; P. 19: 97. Congress, 1. Session, October 2, November 6, and December 4, 1981, and January 8, 1982. - 1982. - 170 S., Tab.; P. 20: 97. Congress, 2. Session, February 5, March 5, April 2, and May 7, 1982. - 1982.- IV,245 S., Tab.; P. 21: 97. Congress, 2. Session, June 4, July 2, August 6 and September 3, 1982. - 1983. - 122 S., Tab.; P. 22: 97. Congress, 2. Session, October 8, November 5, and December 3, 1982. - 1983. - IV, 166 S., Tab.; P. 23: 98. Congress, 1. Session, February 4, March 4, May 6, and June 3, 1983. - 1983. - III,177 S., Tab.; P. 24: 98. Congress, 1. Session, July 8, August 5, October 7, November 4, and December 2, 1983, and January 6, 1984. - 1984. - V,246 S., Tab.; P. 25: 98. Congress, 2. Session, February 3, March 9, April 6, May 4, and June 1, 1984. - 1984. - V,211 S., graph. Darst.; P. 26: 98. Congress, 2. Session, July 6, September 7, October 5, November 2 and December 7, 1984. - 1984. - V,217 S., Tab.; P. 27: 99. Congress, 1. Session, January 9, February 1, and March 8, 1985. - 1985. - IV,181 S., zahlr. Tab.; P. 28: 100. Congress, 1. Session, January 9, February 6, March 6, April 3, May 8, and June 5, 1987. - 1988. - V,423 S., 3 graph. Darst., zahlr. Tab.; P. 29: 100. Congress, 1. Session, July 2, August 7, September 4, and October 2, 1987. - 1988. - IV,152 S., 8 graph. Darst., zahlr. Tab.; P. 30: 100. Congress, 1. Session, November 6 and December 4, 1987, and January 8, 1988. - 1989. - IV,186 S., 11 graph. Darst., zahlr. Tab.; P. 31: 100. Congress, 2. Session, February 5, March 4, and April 1, 1988. - 1989. - IV,138 S., 2 graph. Darst., zahlr. Tab.; P. 32: 100. Congress, 2. Session, May 6, June 3, July 8, and August 5, 1988. - 1989. - IV,243 S., 8 graph. Darst., zahlr. Tab.; P. 33: 100. Congress, 2. Session, September 2, October 7, November 4, and December 2, 1988. - 1989. - IV,204 S., zahlr. Tab.; P. 34: 101. Congress, 1. Session, January 6, February 3, and March 10, 1989. - 1989. - IV,141 S., zahlr. Tab.; P. 35: 101. Congress, 1. Session, April 7, May 5, and June 2, 1989. - 1990. - IV,136 S., graph. Darst., Tab.; P. 36: 101. Congress, 1. Session, July 7, August 4, October 6, and November 3, 1989. - 1990. - IV,262 S., graph. Darst., Tab.; P. 37: 101. Congress, 2. Session, February 2, March 9, and May 4, 1990. - 1990.; P. 38: 101. Congress, 2. Session, June 1, August 3, and September 7, 1990. - 1991. - IV,125 S., Tab.; P. 39: 101. Congress, 2. Session, October 5, November 2, and December 7, 1990. - 1991. - IV,114 S., Tab.; P. 40: 102nd Congress, 1st Session, January 4, February 1 and March 8, 1991. - 1991. - IV,127 S., Tab. - ISBN 0-16-037015-9.; P. 41: 102nd Congress, 1st Session, May 3, June 7, and July 5, 1991, - 1991. -IV,152 S., Tab. - ISBN 0-16-036824-3.; Pt. 42: 102nd Congress, 1st Session, August 2, September 6, and October 4, 1991. - 1991. - IV,134 S., graph. Darst., Tab. - ISBN 0-16-037797-8.; Pt. 43: 102nd Congress, 2nd Session, November 1, and December 6, 1991, and January 10, 1992. - 1992. - IV,161 S., Tab. - 0-16-038929-1; Pt. 44: 102nd Congress, 2nd Session, February 7, march 6 and April 3, 1992. - 1993. - IV,127 S., graph. Darst., Tab. - ISBN 0-16-040628-5; Pt. 45: 102nd Congress, 2nd Session, April 2, June 5, and July 2, 1992. - 1993. - IV,117 S., graph. Darst., Tab. ISBN 0-16-043249-9

Sous-officier des Forces Armées Royales (FAR), Ahmed Marzouki a participé à son corps défendant au coup d'État de juillet 1971 contre le roi Hassan II au palais de Skirat. Ce coup d'État mal organisé par la haute hiérarchie militaire a tourné au véritable carnage. Des soldats ont tiré dans la foule des invités du roi qui fêtait son anniversaire. Le roi sauva sa vie en se cachant plusieurs heures dans les toilettes. Il est parvenu ensuite à renverser la situation en réapparaissant par surprise. Un certain nombre de responsables militaires ont été fusillés aussitôt après. D'autres qui avaient été envoyés en commando sans connaître le but de leur mission ont été condamnés à des peines de 3 à 5 ans de prison. Ahmed Marzouki était de ceux-là. Il a été condamné en février 1972 à cinq ans de prison. Estimant que la justice s'était montrée trop clémente en condamnant ces militaires innocents, Hassan II les fit enlever de la prison où ils purgeaient leur peine et ordonna de les enfermer dans une prison secrète, construite au fin fond du royaume pour assouvir cette sinistre vengeance. Pendant des années, on ignora tout de leur sort. L'auteur a écrit ce livre juste après avoir trouvé sa liberté = Non-commissioned officer of the Royal Armed Forces (FAR), Ahmed Marzouki participated reluctantly in the coup d'état of July 1971 against King Hassan II at the palace of Skirat. The poorly organized coup by senior military hierarchy has turned into carnage. Soldiers fired into the crowd of guests of the king who were celebrating his birthday. The King saved his life by hiding several hours. He then managed to reverse the situation by turning out of the blue. A number of military officers were shot soon after. Others who had been sent as a commando unit without knowing the purpose of their mission were sentenced to terms of 3 to 5 years in prison. Ahmed Marzouki was one of them. He was sentenced in February 1972 to five years in prison. Believing that justice had been too lenient in sentencing the innocent soldiers, Hassan II had them removed from the prison where they were serving their sentences and ordered them to shut up in a secret prison, specially built in a remote region. For years, no one knew anything about their fate. The author wrote this book after his release

When Bill Bratton was sworn in as New York City's police commissioner in 1994, he made what many considered a bold promise: The NYPD would fight crime in every borough...and win. It seemed foolhardy; even everybody knows you can't win the war on crime. But he delivered. In an extraordinary twenty-seven months, serious crime in New York City went down by 33 percent, the murder rate was cut in half -- and Bill Bratton was heralded as the most charismatic and respected law enforcement official in America. In this outspoken account of his news-making career, Bratton reveals how his cutting-edge policing strategies brought about the historic reduction in crime. Bratton's success made national news and landed him on the cover of Time. It also landed him in political hot water. He earned such positive press that before he'd completed his first week on the job, the administration of New York's media-hungry mayor Rudolph Giuliani, threatened to fire him. The author gives a vivid, behind-the-scenes look at the sizzle and substance, and he pulls no punches describing the personalities who really run the city. Bratton grew up in a working-class Boston neighborhood, always dreaming of being a cop. As a young officer under Robert di Grazia, Boston's progressive police commissioner, he got a ground-level view of real police reform and also saw what happens when an outspoken, dynamic, reform-minded police commissioner starts to outshine an ambitious mayor. He was soon in the forefront of the community policing movement and a rising star in the profession. Bratton had turned around four major police departments when he accepted the number one police job in America. When he arrived at the NYPD, New York's Finest were almost hiding; they had given up on preventing crime and were trying only to respond to it. Narcotics, Vice, Auto Theft, and the Gun Squads all worked banker's hours while the competition -- the bad guys -- worked around the clock. Bratton changed that. He brought talent to the top and instilled pride in the force; he listened to the people in the neighborhoods and to the cops on the street. Bratton and his "dream team" created Compstat, a combination of computer statistics analysis and an unwavering demand for accountability. Cops were called on the carpet, and crime began to drop. With Bratton on the job, New York City was turned around. Today, New York's plummeting crime rate and improved quality of life remain a national success story. Bratton is directly r ...

The Baby Boom generation is leading the nation into the future. Having elected one of its own to the White House, this generation - the largest and best educated in history - is poised to place its imprint on the 21st century. Cheryl Russell - acclaimed author of 100 Predictions for the Baby Boom and former editor-in-chief of American Demographics - meets the challenge of predicting the daunting future of this most singular of generations. Russell perceptively shows why members of the Baby Boom generation, born between 1946 and 1964, have always embraced their independence. This individualism has become the master trend of our time. But the Baby Boom generation is now finding itself in the midst of a midlife crisis as it is pulled in one direction by its sense of individualism and in another by its children. Baby Boomers, known for following the beat of their own drummer, are suddenly awakening to the urgent need to bring society together for the sake of their children's future. The Baby Boom generation prizes individualism so highly that it has become the first generation of what Cheryl Russell calls "free agents." Like Curt Flood - baseball's first free agent - the Baby Boomers play by their own rules. Free agents have become both the creators and the eager customers of a new, fast-paced, hotly competitive "personalized economy" that seizes on cutting-edge technologies to produce the innovative and custom-designed products and services the world so sorely needs. Will this personalized economy bring prosperity to Americans? Can the free agents of the Baby Boom generation make life better for all of us? Will they learn to work together for the good of society? Most important, what kind of society are the Baby Boomers leaving to their children? In a culture that values individualism above all, what will happen to the unprepared millions who are trapped in the margins of society? In a world where the disparity between rich and poor has grown dramatically what kind of tensions will arise? The Baby Boom generation is now laying the foundation for the next century. The choices it makes today will reshape America either into a society of turmoil and danger or into a brave new world of cooperation and prosperity. In this landmark work, Cheryl Russell presents the blueprint by which the Baby Boom generation will leave its legacy for the future

Machine generated contents note: Foreword -- by Uwe E. Reinhardt -- Acknowledgments -- Preface to the Second Edition --1 Introduction -- 1.1 Why Should the Economics of Health Be Reconsidered? -- 1.2 Purpose of the Book -- 1.3 Outline of the Book -- 2 Market Competition -- 2.1 The Traditional Economic Model -- 2.1.1 Consumers -- 2.1.2 Producers -- 2.1.3 The Economy as a Whole -- 2.1.4 Pareto Optimality and Social Welfare -- 2.2 Problems with the Traditional Model -- 2.2.1 Negative Externality: Concern About Status -- 2.2.2 Positive Externality: Concern About Others -- 2.2.3 Consumer Tastes Are Predetermined -- 2.3 Implications for Health Policy -- 2.3.1 Does the Distribution of Income Affect the Health of the Population? -- 2.3.2 Equalizing Access to Health Services -- 2.3.3 What Comes First: Allocation or Distribution? -- 2.3.4 Competition and Prevention -- 2.3.5 Government-Sponsored Health Education -- 2.3.6 Should Cost Control Be a Public Policy? -- 3 Demand Theory -- 3.1 The Traditional Economic Model -- 3.1.I Utility and Social Welfare -- 3.I.2 Revealed Preference -- 3.1.3 Demand Curves and Functions -- 3.1.4 The Meaning of Demand and Consumer Surplus --3.2 Problems with the Traditional Model -- 3.2.1 Social Welfare and Consumer Choice: A Syllogism -- 3.2.2 Are Individual Utilities Maximized When People Are Allowed to Choose? -- 3.2.3 Is Social Welfare Maximized When Individual Utilities Are Maximized? -- 3.3 Implications for Health Policy -- 3.3.1 Is Comprehensive National Health Insurance Necessarily Inefficient? -- 3.3.2 Should Patient Cost-Sharing Be Encouraged, or Should We Use Other Policies? -- 3.3.3 Should People Pay More for Price-Elastic Services? -- 3.3.4 Defined Contribution, Premium Support, and MSAS --4 Supply Theory 129 -- 4.1 The Traditional Economic Model -- 4.2 Problems with the Traditional Model -- 4.2.I Are Supply and Demand Independently Determined? -- 4.2.2 Do Firms Have Monopoly Power? -- 4.2.3 Do Firms Maximize Profits? -- 4.2.4 Do Increasing Returns to Scale Exist? -- 4.2.5 Is Production Independent of the Distribution of Wealth? -- 4.3 Implications for Health Policy -- 4.3.1 Capitation and Incentive Reimbursement -- 4.3.2 Issues Surrounding Patient Cost-Sharing -- 4.3.3 Allowing Only Selected Hospitals to Provide Particular Services -- 4.3.4 Improving Productivity by Providing Insurance -- 5 Equity and Redistribution 171 -- 5.1 The Traditional Economic Model -- 5.2 Problems with the Traditional Model -- 5.2.1 Overview of Utilitarianism -- 5.2.2 Problems with Ordinal Utilitarianism --5.3 Implications for Health Policy -- 5.3.I Providing Health Services Rather than Cash -- 5.3.2 Focusing on People's Health, Not Utility -- 5.3.3 National Health Insurance -- 6 The Role of Government 201 -- 6.1 Alternative Views on the Role of Government -- 6.1.1 Market Failure -- 6.1.2 Government Failure -- 6.2 Different Approaches to the Role of Government in the -- Health Services Sector -- 6.2.1 Structure of the System -- 6.2.2 Nature of Coverage and Delivery -- 6.2.3 Regulation of Prices and Expenditures -- 6.2.4 Regulation of Volume -- 6.2.5 Control of Input Supply -- 6.3 Cross-National Data on Health System Performance -- 6.3.1 Access -- 6.3.2 Utilization -- 6.3.3 Expenditures -- 6.3.4 Quality and Satisfaction -- 6.3.5 Equity of Financing System -- 6.3.6 Summary of Evidence -- 6.4 Ten "Lessons" on the Role of Government in Health Systems --7 Conclusion 271 -- Appendix: Overview of the Health Services Systems -- in Ten Developed Countries -- by Miriam J. Laugesen and Thomas Rice 275 -- References 306 -- Index 335 -- About the Author 342