Suchergebnisse

Chapter 1. Advances in Chinese Children, Adolescent and Family Research (Moon Law, DSW, Daniel TL Shek, PhD, Ariel Tenenbaum, MD, and Joav Merrick, MD, DMSc, School of Social Sciences, Caritas Institute of Higher Education, Hong Kong, China, and others) -- Section One: Child and Adolescent Development -- Chapter 2. Reliability and Validity of the Chinese Version of the Psycho-Educational Profile (Third Edition) for Children with Developmental Problems (Daniel TL Shek, PhD, and Lu Yu, PhD, Department of Applied Social Sciences, Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong, China) -- Chapter 3. The Impacts of a UNICEF Health Promotion Project on Primary Health Care in Western China: A Comprehensive Evaluation at Provincial Level (Yuxue Bi, PhD, Dejian Lai, PhD, and Hong Yan, MD, PhD, Department of Epidemiology and Health Statistics, School of Public Health, Xi'an Jiaotong University School of Medicine, Xi'an, Shaanxi, China, and others) -- Chapter 4. Materialism in Chinese Adolescents in Hong Kong: Profiles and Socio-Demographic Correlates (Daniel TL Shek, PhD, Li Lin, PhD, Andrew MH Siu, PhD, and Britta M. Lee, Department of Applied Social Sciences and Department of Rehabilitation Sciences, Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong, China) -- Chapter 5. Materialism and Egocentrism in Chinese Adolescents in Hong Kong: Perceptions of Teachers (Daniel TL Shek, PhD, Cecilia Ma, PhD, Andrew MH Siu, PhD, and Britta M. Lee, Department of Applied Social Sciences and Department of Rehabilitation Sciences, Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong, China) -- Section Two: Family environment -- Chapter 6. Family Mealtime Environment and Child Behavior Outcomes in Chinese Preschool Children (Cynthia Leung, PhD, Sandra Tsang, PhD, Sing Kai Lo, PhD, and Ruth Chan, PhD, Department of Applied Social Sciences, Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong, China, and others) -- Chapter 7. Families in Transition in Hong Kong: Implications to Family Research and Practice (Janet TY Leung, PhD, and Daniel TL Shek, PhD, Department of Applied Social Sciences, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong, China, and others) -- Chapter 8. Subjective Outcome Evaluation of the Tin Ka Ping P.A.T.H.S. Project in China: View of the Students (Daniel TL Shek, PhD, Tak Yan Lee, PhD, Julie Zhu and Lawrence K Ma, Department of Applied Social Sciences, Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong, China, and others) -- Chapter 9. Evaluation of the Project P.A.T.H.S. in Mainland China: Views of the Program Implementers in Senior High Schools (Daniel TL Shek, PhD, Florence KY Wu, EdD, Rachel Sun and Mengtong Chen, PhD, Department of Applied Social Sciences, Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong, China, and others) -- Chapter 10. Evaluation of the Training Program of a Positive Youth Development Program: Tin Ka Ping P.A.T.H.S. Project in China (Daniel TL Shek, PhD, Janet TY Leung, PhD, Rachel CF Sun, Mengtong Chen, PhD, and Chi Kin Chung, Department of Applied Social Sciences, Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong, China, and others) -- Chapter 11. Tin Ka Ping P.A.T.H.S. Project in Mainland China: Preliminary Evaluation Findings (Daniel TL Shek, PhD, Tak-Yan Lee, PhD, Rachel CF Sun, PhD, Florence KY Wu, EdD, and Janet TY Leung, PhD, Department of Applied Social Sciences, Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong, China, and others) -- Chapter 12. Evaluation Findings of Tin Ka Ping P.A.T.H.S. Project Implemented in Junior Secondary Schools: Implementers' Views (Daniel TL Shek, PhD, Xiaoqin Zhu, PhD, and Janet TY Leung, PhD, Department of Applied Social Sciences, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong, China) -- Chapter 13. Subjective Outcome Evaluation of the Tin Ka Ping P.A.T.H.S. Project: Views of Senior Secondary School Students (Daniel TL Shek, PhD, Rachel CF Sun, Irene Wu, PhD, and Moon YM Law, Department of Applied Social Sciences, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong, China, and others) -- Chapter 14. Implementation of the Tin Ka Pin Project in Two Chinese Cities: Students' Subjective Outcome Evaluation (Lu Yu, PhD, and Esther YW Shek, Department of Applied Social Sciences, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong, China, and others) -- Chapter 15. Subjective Outcome Evaluation of a Service Leadership Subject: Findings Based on University Students in Hong Kong (Janet TY Leung, PhD, and Daniel TL Shek, PhD,Department of Applied Social Sciences, Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong, China) -- Chapter 16. Student Development under a New General Education Program in Hong Kong: A 3-Year Longitudinal Assessment (Daniel TL Shek, PhD, Lu Yu, PhD, and Xiaoqin Zhu, PhD, Department of Applied Social Sciences, Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong, China) -- Chapter 17. Promotion of Service Leadership Qualities in Chinese University Students: Objective Outcome Evaluation Based on Six Waves of Data (Hildie Leung, PhD, Daniel TL Shek, PhD, and Li Lin, PhD, Department of Applied Social Sciences, Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong, China) -- Section Two: Acknowledgements -- Chapter 18. About the Editors -- Chapter 19. About the Center for Children with Chronic Diseases and Down Syndrome Center Jerusalem, Israel, Department of Pediatrics, Mt Scopus Campus, Hadassah Hebrew University Medical Center, Jerusalem, Israel -- Chapter 20. About the Department of Applied Social Sciences, Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hunghom, Hong Kong -- Chapter 21. About the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development -- Chapter 22. About the Book Series "Public health: Practices, Methods and Policies" -- Section Three: Index.

The effectiveness of development cooperation (DC) is a topic of extensive debate in this policy field. Yet despite numerous review and evaluation formats designed to promote learning processes and hence enhance effectiveness, it is often impossible to document these improvements. Against this backdrop, the present paper aims to analyse the usefulness of ex-post evaluations (EPEs) by KfW Development Bank – both within KfW Development Bank and at the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ), from which it receives its commissions. Research indicates that EPEs are conducted with great care. Moreover, EPEs can contribute to the legitimacy of (financial) DC, as project results are considered and presented in a structured manner. Nevertheless, the people interviewed for this study regard EPEs as (highly) subjective assessments and believe that these evaluations may under certain circumstances not be comparable with one another. Yet EPEs need to be comparable, because their overall ratings are used to calculate the success rate, which is currently around 81%. This in turn affects KfW's reporting on its performance to BMZ and to the public. The data from the interviews shows that trade-offs during the production and use of EPEs appear to limit the usefulness of this format. EPEs are designed to deliver accountability to the public and to BMZ and to promote learning within KfW. These are conflicting objectives, however, as they would each require a different approach. According to those interviewed at KfW and BMZ, EPEs are seldom read or used. Interviewees explain that EPEs are rarely relevant to people working in operational areas, as the evaluations are not published until several years after the project concerned has been completed and only occasionally contain information that is relevant to current projects. The evaluations cannot be conducted sooner, however, as otherwise they would not be able to assess the sustainability and development impact of a project. Moreover, interviews and evidence from other studies indicate that EPEs are of limited relevance to political steering at BMZ, even in aggregated form. Nonetheless, the author believes that it would not be an option to no longer conduct EPEs, as they are the only way to review the development impact and sustainability of a representative number of projects in an affordable way, thus forming the basis for delivering accountability. Reconciling the conflicting goals of learning and accountability is challenging. For the learning component, it would appear to be a good idea to make greater use of cross-sectional analyses and to establish a central support structure for all implementing organisations and BMZ with a view to compiling all the key information from the evaluations and forwarding it to both BMZ and KfW and to the partner countries in a form tailored to meet their needs. For the accountability component, transparency also needs to be enhanced by making completed evaluation reports available to the public promptly and in full. In addition to an evaluation of international research literature, this paper particularly draws on empirical interview data. A total of 13 specifically selected experts from the German DC system were interviewed. This interview data thus forms an illustrative but not representative sample.

The evolution of urbanism under dictatorship forms the core of the current research. This thesis is part of a research network at Bauhaus-Universität Weimar, which studies the 20th century's urbanism under different dictatorships. The network has provided a cross-cultural and cross-border environment and has enabled the author to communicate with other like-minded researchers. The 2015 published book of this group 'Urbanism and Dictatorship: A European Perspective' strengthens the foundation of this research's theoretical and methodological framework. This thesis investigates urban policies and plans leading to the advancement of urbanization and the transformation of urban space in Iran during the second Pahlavi (1941-1979) when the country faced a milestone in its history: Nationalization of the Iranian oil industry. By reflecting the influence of economic and socio‐political determinants of the time on urbanism and the urbanization process, this work intends to critically trace the effect of dictatorship on evolved urbanism before and after the oil nationalization in 1951. The research on the second Pahlavi's urbanism has been limitedly addressed and has only recently expanded. Most of the conducted studies date back to less than a decade ago and could not incorporate all the episodes of the second Pahlavi urbanism. These works have often investigated urbanism and architecture by focusing merely on the physical features and urban products in different years regardless of the importance of urbanism as a tool in the service of hegemony. In other words, the majority of the available literature does not intend to address the socio-economic and political roots of urban transformations and by questioning 'what has been built?' investigates the individual urban projects and plans designed by individual designers without interlinking these projects to the state's urban planning program and tracing the beneficiaries of those projects or questioning 'built for whom?' Moreover, some chapters of this modern urbanism have rarely been investigated. For instance, scant research has looked into the works of foreign designers and consultants involved in the projects such as Peter Georg Ahrens or Constantinos A. Doxiadis. Similarly, the urbanism of the first decade of the second Pahlavi, including the government of Mossadegh, has mainly been overlooked. Therefore, by critically analyzing the state's urban planning program and the process of urbanization in Iran during the second Pahlavi, this research aims to bridge the literature gap and to unravel the effect of the power structure on urban planning and products while seeking to find a pattern behind the regime's policies. The main body of this work is concentrated on studying the history of urbanism in Iran, of which collecting data and descriptions played a crucial role. To prevent the limitations associated with singular methods, this research's methodology is based on methodological triangulation (Denzin, 2017). With the triangulation scheme, the data is gathered by combining different qualitative and quantitative methods such as the library, archival and media research, online resources, non-participatory observation, and photography. For the empirical part, the city of Tehran is selected as the case study. Moreover, individual non-structured interviews with the locals were conducted to gain more insights regarding urban projects.

History, however, is not Phillips's strong suit. Moreover, his peculiar take on the country's cyclical experience with wealth and democracy is a telling commentary on his own oddly inflected populism. His is the populism of the 'silent majority,' which first made his reputation back in the days of Richard Nixon's 'southern strategy.' Phillips's lingering Republican past leads him to fantasize about some underground tradition of progressive middle-class Republicanism, which in Phillips's quirky narrative confection embraces the governments of William McKinley, Richard Nixon, and Abraham Lincoln. Phillips imagines these regimes as all suspicious of unsupervised wealth and mildly friendly to labor, while nonetheless operating under the dominating influence of the economic elites of their day. The characterization might loosely apply to Lincoln's new party, although the great merchant bankers of the antebellum North were the Great Emancipator's loyal opposition, not his natural constituency. When applied to McKinley and Nixon the notion verges on the preposterous--industrial workers in 1896 were terrorized into voting for the Ohio governor or staying away from the polls, while the whole tenor of the Republican campaign and the McKinley presidency that followed entailed an explicit repudiation of any suggestion of wealth redistribution or government regulation of big business. The evidence for Nixon's labor sympathies seems to consist of presidential invitations extended to the ossified leadership of the AFL-CIO to visit the White House. Phillips himself acknowledges that in every case--even in the one that most robustly supports his argument, namely Teddy Roosevelt's reign--the Republicans soon gave themselves over to the most self-interested, money-mad, socially irresponsible fat cats who always peopled the party's inner sanctums. As the author demonstrates, only during the Progressive Era, which was half Democratic, and during the New Deal order did the apportionment of national income and wealth swing the other way and were the commanding institutions of the private sector subject to some serious public surveillance and discipline. The Clinton interregnum, conversely, was the outcome of what Phillips calls the first white-collar recession of the early nineties-itself a fitting epitaph to the extreme 'financialization' of the Gordon Gekko years--conjoined to the rapidly inflating Internet bubble. The atmosphere of sixties' cultural liberation that hovered over the Clinton administration had more to do with the borrowed anti-hierarchical argot and upscale designer egalitarianism of the new dot-com billionaires than it did with any sixties-era political engagement with the lower orders. While the New Deal welfare state was wrapping up its affairs, the new information-age elites were busy putting in place a global corporate welfare system of 'financial mercantilism.' Wall Street quickly acclimated itself to the new environment. It became heavily invested not only financially and not only because the microprocessor transformed the way it conducted its own high-velocity speculations. Psychologically and culturally as well, the Street became vested in new-era hype. Phillips talks about 'grinds and globalists' supplanting the old skull-and-bones elites, committed to a relentless, de-regulated 'securitization' of the universe, transforming customary signs of distress into market-cheering acts of 'downsizing,' deepening the chasm between the haves and the have-nots at home and abroad.

Law's regulatory reach has grown significantly over the past few decades. Yet, at the same time, law schools and legal professions in Western and Western-oriented jurisdictions have undergone an acute crisis. How is this possible? In this insightful and wide-ranging book, Luca Siliquini-Cinelli argues that these trends are in fact complementary manifestations of a single phenomenon-namely, that law is and will always be more capable of regulating social interaction without the experiential contribution of legal experts. Siliquini-Cinelli contends that the separation of law's regulatory function from legal experts is structurally linked to the former's nature and operational dynamics as an intellectual artifact to be used for ordering purposes. As a product of the intellect, law is a matter of knowledge, not experience. In fact, Siliquini-Cinelli holds, law's artifactuality voids experience, including that of legal experts, making it redundant. This explains how law can thrive as a regulatory phenomenon while the very places where future legal professionals are formed and those places where it is practised are in crisis. To show this, Siliquini-Cinelli embarks upon a historical, philosophical, and comparative analysis of law's artifactuality, focusing on the teaching, study and practise of law as intellectual endeavours, from the advent of juristic activities in the Late Roman Republic to current legal pedagogies, practices, and reforms in Civil and Common law jurisdictions. In so doing, Siliquini-Cinelli employs the Latin phrase 'scientia iuris' to explain why and how legal education and practice pursue knowledge at the expense of experience, and the serious implications this has for lawyering activities. Moving beyond established narratives, Siliquini-Cinelli argues that 'scientia iuris' ought not be reduced to dogmatic analysis (scientia iuris as doctrina iuris). Rather, 'scientia iuris' denotes the knowledge of the law sought by all those who teach, study, and practise it, and which is actualised through a form of legal thinking and argumentation that moves along reason's metaphysical, constructivist lines (scientia iuris as cognitio iuris). Thus, scientia iuris is not the prerogative of a few legal scholars; rather, it lies at the very core of Western legal education and practice, broadly understood. The relevance of Siliquini-Cinelli's original and interdisciplinary analysis is profound and far-reaching: the crisis that legal education and practice are undergoing is not an isolated, or accidental, event; it is a consequence of the very ways in which law has been taught, studied, and practised since Rome. Endorsements 'This richly researched book on the history of scientia iuris is a work on epistemology which argues that the legal model is highly problematic and will eventually be able to function without the intervention of jurists and lawyers. Such a thesis is based upon a very detailed knowledge both of philosophy and of the legal primary and secondary sources from Roman to modern times. The author is at home with Ancient Greek, Latin, French, German and Italian texts and this means that the research basis for the thesis not only is unusually profound - encompassing both the civil and the common law - but will make a major contribution to historical jurisprudence, to comparative legal history, to comparative law in general and to legal theory. This is legal scholarship of the highest order.' Geoffrey Samuel, Emeritus Professor of Law, Kent Law School 'In this exceptionally robust and expertly-researched new book, Luca Siliquini-Cinelli presents a provocative thesis. He proposes that the experience of legal experts is redundant when it comes to the success of law as a regulatory framework. Oscillating between historical, material, philosophical and literary frames, Sili

"Defining Documents in American History: U.S. Involvement in the Middle East offers in-depth analysis of 64 primary source documents at the foundation of the study of United States involvement in conflicts in the Middle East. The Middle East and the United States have had a complex relationship since the early 1800s, especially as it relates to the conflicts and wars that the region has experienced in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. The United States has engaged in military and covert operations throughout the Middle East in an effort to protect its own strategic interests, maintain access to oil resources, settle rivalries, and prevent the spread of terrorism and weapons of mass destruction. The documents in this volume of the Defining Documents series provide an overview of the turbulent history and current state of U.S. relations with the Middle East. The primary source documents include book excerpts, speeches, political debates, testimony, court rulings, legal texts, legislative acts, essays, newspaper articles, and interviews. These selecƯtions trace the role and complex history of U.S. involvement in the conflicts in the Middle East in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. The material is organized into five sections, and each section begins with a brief introducƯtion that examines the politics and policies of the United States and the Middle East through a variety of historical documents. Colonialism and the Transition to U.S. Influence includes documents from the years 1896-1957 that track the history of conflicts in the Middle East as a time when most of the area had been under direct or indirect foreign rule, nationalist forces arose, including Theodor Herzl's call for a Jewish state; Truman's Statement on Immigration into Palestine; and Gamal Abder Nasser on the Nationalization of the Suez Canal. Arab Voices in Oppression includes documents that trace the evolution of Islam in the region (1744-1977) such as The Saud Family and Wahhabi Islam, Sayyid Qutb on Jihad, and the Palestinian National Charter. Late Twentieth-Century Wars and Peace Accords begins with UN Security Council Resolution 242 on the Arab-Israeli Conflict, and includes Camp David Accords, a report and analysis of the 1993 World Trade Center Bombing, and Muhammad Qutb on the Origins of Islam. 9/11, Afghanistan, and Iraq is the most extensive section, covering a period of time from 1996-2013 and includes such pivotal documents in the relationship between the U.S. and the Middle East such as Osama bin-Laden's' Declaration of Jihad against the Americans, Colin Powel on Iraqi Weapons of Mass Destruction, "Mission to Niger" and the Valerie Plame Affair, The Zelikow Memo, and President Obama's Remarks on the Killing of Osama bin Laden. Arab Spring, ISIS, and After, which takes us from 2011 to the present, with documents such as Flashing Red: A Special Report on the Terrorist Attack at Benghazi; Donald Trump's "Muslim Ban" Speech; and "U.S. Gov't Misled Public About Afghan War." Each Historical Document is supported by a critical essay, written by historians and teachers, that includes a Summary Overview, Defining Moment, About the Author, Document Analysis, and Essential Themes. An important feature of each essay is a close reading of the primary source that develops broader themes, such as the author's rhetorical purpose, social or class position, point of view, and other relevant issues. Each essay also includes a Bibliography Further Reading section for additional readings and research. Appendixes in this book include: Chronological List which arranges all documents by year ; Web Resources, an annotated list of websites that offer valuable supplemental resources ; Bibliography lists of helpful articles and books for further study."--

""Coming out of the current COVID crisis, many expect further industry consolidation across sectors. The Global Rule of Three lifts the curtain on what this future could look like. The book is packed with great insights into the dynamic forces shaping most industries: above all, that those who know how to truly serve will be the long term winners." -Paul Polman, Co-Founder & Chair, IMAGINE and former CEO, Unilever "Congratulations for writing a seminal book on how industries evolve, grow, plateau and revitalize over time! Simultaneous coexistence of both the volume driven full line competitors (oligopoly) and the margin driven niche players (monopolistic competitors) is unique to competitive positioning Globally." - Philip Kotler, S.C. Johnson & Son Distinguished Professor of International Marketing (emeritus), Kellogg School of Management, Northwestern University, USA "The Global Rule of Three is an eye opener! It provides a blue print on how to compete globally especially against growing competition from Multinationals from the Emerging Markets such as China and India. Buy it, you will like it!" -Ram Charan, Best Selling Author and Advisor to Global Enterprises "The Global Rule of Three offers a plethora of historical as well as contemporary examples to chronicle the evolution of hypercompetition leading up to the current pan-industrial revolution. A must read for every manager interested in the spiraling competition from multinationals of emerging markets such as China and India." -Richard D'Aveni, Bakala Professor of Strategy, Tuck School of Business, Dartmouth College, USAIn our increasingly digital, mobile, and global world, the existing theories of business and economics have lost much of their appeal with the phenomenal rise of Chindia, the reality of Brexit, the turmoil caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, and the seismic shifting of the global center of gravity from west to east. In the area of innovation, the traditional thinking that a developed country, often the US, will come up with the next major innovation, launch at home first, and then take it to other markets does not ring true anymore. Similarly, the world where conglomerates go bargain-hunting for acquisitions in emerging markets has been turned upside-down. This book reveals and illustrates the Global Rule of Three phenomenon, which stipulates that in competitive markets only three companies (which the authors call "generalists") can dominate the market. All other players in the market are specialists. Further, whereas the financial performance of generalists improves as market share increases, specialist companies see a decrease in financial performance as their market share increases, as the latter are margin-driven companies. This theory powerfully captures the evolution of global markets and what executives must do to succeed. It is based on empirical analyses of hundreds of markets and industries in the US and globally. Competitive markets evolve in a predictable fashion across industries and geographies, where every industry goes through a similar lifecycle from beginning to end (or revitalization). From local to regional to national markets, the last stop in the evolution of markets is going global. The pattern is so consistent that it represents a distinct and natural market structure at every level. The authors offer strategies that generalists and specialist should follow to stay competitive as well as twelve expansion strategies for global companies from emerging markets. This book chronicles this global evolution and provides impactful managerial implications for executives and students of marketing and corporate strategy alike."--Page 4 of cover

Essays -- Introduction: a lifelong interest / A. Elizabeth Taylor -- The woman suffrage movement in Texas / A. Elizabeth Taylor -- A note on the author -- Documents -- Seneca Falls "Declaration of sentiments" -- The Texas Reconstruction Convention considers woman suffrage (1868-1869): Declaration of T. H. Mundine; Committee report for woman suffrage; Committee minority report against woman suffrage; Remarks of Hon. L. D. Evans on the resolution of Mr. Mundine -- The American Woman Suffrage Association petitions the Texas legislature (1872): Memorial from Lucy Stone -- The Texas Redeemer Convention considers woman suffrage (1875): Mr. Weaver's resolution; Mr. Russell's resolution; Debate; Mrs. Hiatt's report -- "Idiots, lunatics, paupers, and felons" (1875): Article 6, 1875 Constitution -- "The ballot an educator" (1881): by Jenny Beauchamp -- Mariana Folsom organizes for suffrage in Texas (1880s): Lucy Stone to Mariana Folsom; "The ballot" by Mariana Folsom -- The WCTU endorses votes for women (1888): "Woman is thinking!" by Grace Danforth -- "If I were mayor of San Antonio (1893): "The female suffragists, a chat with four Texas leaders of the movement -- The Texas Equal Rights Association (1893): Minutes of the first session -- Local suffrage societies make the news (1893-1894): Belton; Denison; Granger; Dallas -- Texas suffragists propose an organizational plan (1894): Texas plan of work -- Southern ladies and gentlemen (1894): "The women suffragists... waving the bloody shirt" -- Texas Woman's Congress meets in Dallas (1893-1894): "Want power at once" by Margaret Watson -- "Equal suffrage means purer laws" (1894): "Women should vote" by Miss Sue Greenleaf -- Representative Tomkins proposes a state constitutional amendment (1895): House Joint Resolution no. 29 -- Annette Finnigan begins the second phase of the Texas struggle (1903-1905): "Copy of letter to Texas woman" by Finnigan -- Suffragists testify at a legislative hearing (1907): The Woman's Tribune -- The Austin Woman Suffrage Association (1908-1915): Minutes -- Eleanor Brackenridge revives the Texas Woman Suffrage Association (1913): Eleanor Brackenridge to Mrs. Cone Johnson -- Annette Finnigan polls the legislative candidates (1914): Letters to and from candidates for the legislature -- Minnie Fisher Cunningham takes charge (1925): "Program of the Fifth Convention of the Texas Woman Suffrage Association" -- Houston Chronicle and Herald endorses suffrage (1917) -- Men support the cause (1914-1919): "Some phases of woman suffrage" by S. P. Brooks; "Why men need equal suffrage for women" by A. Caswell Ellis -- Texas suffragists send a message to President Wilson (1917): Call to the Seventh Convention of the Texas Equal Suffrage Association; "Equal suffrage meet closes" -- Minnie Fisher Cunningham reports on state suffrage activities and war work (1917) -- Lobbying for the vote (1917): Directions for lobbyists -- Suffragists help impeach Governor Ferguson (1917): Minnie Fisher Cunningham to Carrie Chapman Catt -- The Primary Election Bill passes (1918): Minnie Fisher Cunningham to Carrie Chapman Catt -- Suffragists sign up (1918): "Un manifiesto de la Sra. Rena Maverick Green a las mujeres del condado" -- Women register and vote for first time in Texas (1918): "Texas woman voters," The woman citizen; "To the women of Texas," by Hortense Ward; Vote for Annie Webb Blanton -- Efforts to pass the federal amendment continue (1918): Minnie Fisher Cunningham to Jewel Scarborough -- Anti-suffragists rally opposition (1916-1918): "Not for woman's suffrage"; "Women don't want suffrage" -- Texans vote on a state constitutional amendment (1919): "Outline of campaign for carrying the suffrage amendment; "Many factors contributed to the apparent defeat of suffrage"; Election results -- Texas legislature ratifies the Nineteenth Amendment (1919): Minnie Fisher Cunningham to Carrie Chapman Catt -- Texas Suffrage Ratification Proclamation (1920) -- Jane Y. McCallum's account of the movement: Diary; Activities of women in Texas politics, I -- Epilogue: "Citizens at last": Activities of women in Texas politics, II -- Bibliographies -- Suffrage bibliography / by Ruthe Winegarten -- Texas women in politics and public affairs / by Judith N. McArthur .

Klappentext: The book "Fading Authority of the Non-Intervention Principle: Analysis of Uganda's Intervention in South Sudan under International Law" focuses on the consequence of international politics in regard to the non-intervention principle and international law violations. In its formal definition, non-intervention is an international law principle and a foreign policy characterized by prohibition or absence of interference by state in the domestic affairs of another sovereign state without its consent with certain exceptions. In 2013 Uganda militarily intervened in South Sudan conflict and consequently interfered with the latter's internal politics. The author intends to demonstrate that the aforesaid intervention was executed in breach of the non-intervention principle without noteworthy reactions by international community. As the principle's application is predominantly driven by states' foreign policies, such intervention in South Sudan shows that the principle, to some extent, is deprived of its strength.It suggests that South Sudan's sovereignty is at stake due to Uganda's military intervention and its consequential human rights violations. Meanwhile, the international community did not properly react or intervene despite South Sudan territorial integrity and political independence are threatened as a result of Uganda's use of force and the non-intervention principle's fading authority in international relations. It critically studies, analyzes, exposes and calls for action on Uganda's military interference with South Sudan's territorial integrity and political independence and the violation of international law in South Sudan which is able to cause threat to international peace and security.This book provides new and multi-dimensional insights into international law and foreign policy and their application or contempt by sovereign states and the international community as a whole. It applies a complex mix of methods and studies international legal literatures on international law to explain the status of non-intervention principle under international law with special reference to the UN Charter and the AU Constitutive Act, contrasting legal theory with the principle's application and state practice and foreign policies. It seeks to shed more light on Uganda's intervention in South Sudan and how intervention in South Sudan civil war was perceived by the UN and AU and triggered international reactions. Its findings demonstrate that non-intervention principle has been violated in South Sudan and its authority is weakened as a new exception to the principle is emerging. It alluded, Uganda's legitimization of dictatorship in South Sudan, in tandem with the West (US & UK) and East (Russia & China), and the change in the UN, a simmering change from its original intention to a new political dawn in Africa and the Middle East, has a diminishing effect on the principle's authority and the likelihood of the emergence of a new justification i.e. the Uganda's collusive intervention and state practice. The study defines Uganda's collusive intervention as an agreement that is dictatorially concluded between two or more leaders (e.g. Museveni and Kiir) which creates loopholes and gaps in the international law.The study approaches the research problem by using Uganda's military intervention in South Sudan as a case of study in order to show how the fading authority of the non-intervention principle constitutes a threat to international law and state sovereignty. It tested all Uganda's arguments forwarded as a legitimization for its military intervention against the existing international legal standards in order to ascertain whether the intervention was executed illegally and in a violation of the non-intervention principle and as a consequence constitutes a threat to international peace and security. It further proves that non-intervention authority is eroded as a result of inapplicability and unenforceability of the United Nations Charter.

The aim of this article is to explore the bargaining process of the EU Financial Perspective 2007-2013 & to provide the conceptual explanation of the particular result of this bargaining. Although quite a number of drafts have been discussed among member states, three of them characterize the most important turns of the bargaining: Commission's Proposal, the Luxemburg's Compromise & the Decision of the European Council. Andrew Moravcsik's Liberal Intergovernmental Approach has been applied as the methodological tool for the analysis of the EU Financial Perspective 2007-2013. Moravcsik assumes that European bargaining is a two level game. A two level game is a metaphoric concept describing how the interaction between the domestic pressure groups & decision makers formulates national preferences & how political leaders on the European level represent those national preferences. On both levels pragmatic economic interests are the driving factors of different actors. It should be emphasized that states are the main players in EU arena, whereas supranational institutions play a supporting part. Five different groups or informal coalitions could be found in the recent bargaining for the Financial Perspective. The key interest of rich member states (UK, Germany, Netherlands, Austria, Sweden, & France) was to decrease EU spending -- to cut the contributions to the EU budget. Phasing out states (Italy, Spain, Portugal, Greece) as former major beneficiaries of EU structural policy strived to diminish financial losses in the new Financial Perspective. Poorer Central European countries (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Czech Republic & Hungary) fought for the structural funds. Finally, the UK was alone against the rest of member states which called for the radical review of the British rebate. The comparative statistical & qualitative analysis of those proposals revealed two important trends in the bargaining. First, the EU spending was cut in every turn. Second, the funds for the rich member states were redistributed at the expense of the poorer member states. Certainly, such redistribution did not change the fact that the older member states remained the net contributors & the poor Central European countries gained more benefits compared to the previous Financial Perspective 2000-2006. Besides these two main tendencies the phasing out states succeed to increase the funds for their undeveloped regions & the final Decision of the European Council offered for the UK the most favorable mechanism counting the British rebate. The article reveals the weaknesses of the popular geopolitical interpretations which were proposed in order to explain the strong clashes between member states. The geopolitical & ideological discourse was aimed at neutralizing the domestic pressure. The economic logic to pay less & get more was the dominant thinking in the bargaining for the European financial pie. The asymmetrical interdependence which was the main source of bargaining power during the previous intergovernmental negotiations on Common Market is obsolete in explaining the modalities of redistributional policies. The effect of relative power was limited to the bargaining strategy, however it did not make a remarkable impact to the final agreement. On the contrary, the typical net recipient is a small & poor member state. The author has to come to the conclusion that the poor Central European countries states were forced to support the cuts of the budget & suffered a relative defeat in the bargaining, since they were the main beneficiaries of the common EU budget. It means that the poor Central European countries were the most interested to reach an agreement as soon as possible in order to avoid the risk of facing the EU financial turbulences. For this reason their bargaining power was very weak. Adapted from the source document.

(1) The emergence of nations is not a historical deviation, but a normal and cocomitant occurrence of the positive historical development. The establishment of democracy created some elbowroom for the affirmation of nations in post- communism. The role of the nationalist activity in these events was not central. The disintegration of the former communist federations was not a fortuitous event and had a common cause. The redefinition of the nationality issue, though inevitable, produces conflicts. (2) International conflicts are potentially dangerous and violence-laden. (3) Conflicts cannot be avoided by denying national identities and national rights, by ignoring real or imagined problems, but by confronting them. (4) Nationality issues cannot be eliminated but regulated. Political theory and practice have developed numerous mechanisms for the accommodation of conflicting rights. Their recognition and implementation can only help in the non- violent resolution of disputes. Ignorance is not only harmful, but can be dangerous as well, because it stimulates exaggerated and biased expectations which may produce volatile and baleful outcomes. (5) Concrete solutions will always depend on the balance of political powers in each case. International practice, universally accepted principles, international community's pressures and its early direct involvement can contribute to the finding of the solution and the avoidance of violent options. (6) Demanding more rights than implied by rational standards means cruising for a bruising, asking for trouble, which can get the conflicting parties the short end of a stick. Extremism and chauvinism are dangerous not only for the other side, but affect negatively the nation which generates it. This rule applies both to the dominant nation in a state and to the minority nations. (7) Democracy and tolerance make a positive environment for a successful regulation of international disputes. Violent and unilateral imposition of solutions only worsens the situation and makes it explosive in the long run. A democratic society reduced to a dominant nation is not feasible unless national rights are recognised and implemented for all those who live in that state. Minority nations cannot realise their rights unless they take into consideration the democratic system on the whole and democratic rights for everybody. Democratic societies are nationally tolerant societies. And vice versa. (8) Democracy and nation-building are not incompatible notions. They are immanent to post-communist societies. Nation-building, despite everything, creates the conditions for the emergence of stable states, the only stable framework of the political and the economic transition (Jahn, 1992, 68). (9) The unresolved and undecided nationality issues significantly aggravate the consolidation of democracy. (SOI : PM: S. 151; 176f.) + The author's starting point is the claim that, despite integrative tendencies, the number of national states in the world is on the increase. The opposing national interests and conflicts may be mitigated or avoided if the central concepts and issues, tie ways of the accommodation of interests and the features of the postcommunist transitions are known: The author explains the concepts and issues such as nation, ethnic group, national state, nationalism, protection of minorities, the right to self-determination, decentralisation, autonomy, federalism, consociational democracy, non-territorial autonomy. He focuses on the issues that reflect the current controversies of the global and the national policies. He concludes that, among other things the national issues are central to the process of transition and that they cannot be ignored (since nations are a reality which must be coped with), that there are principles and mechanisms of the regulation of the conflicting national interests

Part 1. Putting LGBTQ Issues on the Map -- 1. Maps of LGBT Issues Across the Globe (Stanley D. Brunn, Donna Gilbreath and Richard Gilbreath) -- 2. Representing the Perception of Violence in São Paulo, Brazil in Mental Maps: Queer Cartography as a Theoretical and Methodological Approach (Vinicius Santos Almeida) -- 3. Policy Makes a Family: Croatian LGBTQ Movement and the Struggle for Fostering Rights (Natalija Stepanović) -- 4. Law and Morality: Evolution of LGBT Rights in Estonia, Hungary and Poland—from Communist Past to Current Reality (Lehte Roots) -- 5. Queerness and Performance (un)doing the Map: Perspectives from the Global South (Kaciano Gadelha) -- 6. Representing the Hijras of South Asia: Toward Transregional and Global Flows (Aniruddha Dutta, Adnan Hossain and Claire Pamment) -- 7. Bench Love in Daneshjoo Park: Queering Public Spaces and Pedagogy for the Public in Teheran (Jón Ingvar Kjaran and Mohammad Naeimi) -- 8. LGBTQ+ Topographies: An Analysis of Socio-spatial Interactions by Mapping of Social Media in São Paulo and Berlin (Maycon Sedrez) -- 9. "The Whole Neighborhood is Becoming Gay!" Reflections on the Effects of Geolocated Dating Apps on the Practice and Perception of the Urban Space of Gay Men in Major French Cities (Clément Nicolle with translation by Nicholas Sowels) -- Part 2. Challenging Knowledge Production -- 10. Re-signifying Political Spatiality and Spatial Politics of all-Gender Spaces in New York (Stephanie Bonvissuto) -- 11. Enhancing the Erotic as Power: Sexuality and Pleasure in Feminist, Lesbian and Queer Spaces in Rome and Madrid (Giada Bonu) -- 12. Measuring Global Attitudes Toward Homosexuality: A Critical Review of LGBT indexes (Jaime Barrientos and Bladimir González) -- 13. Thinking Critically about 'Men who have Sex with Men' Data Collection and use in the Global South: Examples from the US President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (Andrew Tucker) -- 14. Gay Men Living with HIV in England and Italy in Times of Undetectability: A Life Course Perspective (Cesare Di Feliciantonio) -- 15. How Gay Men Viewed old Gay Men when they were Young or First Came out (Peter B. Robinson and Paul Simpson) -- 16. The Changing Geography of Homosexuality in Santiago de Chile: Is the Individual a New Space for Analysis? (Pablo Astudillo Lizama) -- 17. Dangerous Liaisons: Neoliberal Tropes of the 'Normal' and 'Middle-class Respectability' in the Post-socialist LG(BT) Activism (Roberto Kulpa) -- 18. When the City Calls: Mapping Indigenous Australian Queer Placemaking in Sydney (Corrinne T. Sullivan) -- 19. LGBT People in Small and Medium Villages: Spatial Analyses of Everyday Experiences in a Catalan Region (Maria Rodó-Zárate) -- Part 3. Making LGBTQ Places and Spaces Visible -- 20. Toward a Queering of the Right to the City: Insights from the Tensions in LGBTIQ+ politics in Geneva, the "Capital of Peace" (Karine Duplan) -- 21. Space and Identity: Comparing the Production of Queer Spaces in Amsterdam and Hong Kong (Katie Poltz) -- 22. When the Gay Village is Somewhere else: Reflections on LGBTQ+ Public Policies in Catalan Rural Areas (Jose Antonio Langarita, Jordi Mas Grau and Pilar Albertín Carbó) -- 23. When a Kiss is not Just a Kiss? Geographies of Lesbian and Gay Intimacy in France (Marianne Blidon) -- 24. Parading for the Future: Queer Temporalities of Pride in an Ordinary Israeli City (Gilly Hartal, Adi Moreno and Yossi David) -- 25. A decade of Prague Pride: Mapping Origins, Seeking Meanings, Understanding Effects (Michal Pitoňák) -- 26. Resisting pinkwashing: Adaptive Queerness in Vancouver Pride Parades (Andy Holmes) -- 27. On being Trans in Norway: Negotiating Belonging Through and within the (cis)gender Imaginary (france rose hartline) -- 28. Recognition or Othering? Trans*Representation in Russian Media (Tania Zabolotnaya and Katharina Wiedlack) -- Part 4. Resisting Oppression and Violence -- 29. The 'S' Factor: Feminist and Queer Movements and the Production of Safer Spaces in Urban Contexts in Rome and Madrid (Giada Bonu) -- 30. Gender Violence and Public Spaces in France and the United Kingdom: Contributions by Trans Studies to Feminist Geographies (Milan Bonté) -- 31. Displaying (trans)gender in Space and Time: Deconstructing Spatial Binaries of Violence and Security in the UK and Portugal (Ana Cristina Marques) -- 32. Out in the Country and in the city: Discourses and Practices of Being out in the Hungarian LGBTQ Community (Rita Béres-Deák) -- 33. Limiting Queerness: Finding the Spatiality and Spatial Boundaries of LGBTQ+ Community Centers (Stephanie Bonvissuto) -- 34. Queer Vietnamese Youths' Manoeuvring and (re)negotiation of Filial Duties: Becoming the Good Citizen (Silje Mathisen) -- 35. Resilience in the Face of Heteronormativity: Experiences of non-heterosexual Young Women in the Family Home in Manresa, Catalonia (Júlia Pascual Bordas) -- 36. Lesbian Life in a French Prison: Surveillance, Refuge and Self-naming (Natacha Chetcuti-Osorovitz with Translation by Sandrine Sanos) -- 37. "It's not About Surviving; it's About Protecting Ourselves": An Exploratory Field Study on Male Homosexuality in French Working-class Neighbourhoods (Axel Ravier) -- Part 5. Building LGBTQ Community and Perspectives -- 38. Experiencing Double Penalty for Being Gay and Asian in the West: How Intersection Modifies Migration Decisions of South Korean Gays and Lesbians (Marion Gilbert) -- 39. LGBTQ+ Choirs, Community Music, Queer Artistic Citizenship in London (Thomas R. Hilder) -- 40. An Emerging World of LGBT Stamps: (Stanley D. Brunn) -- 41. The Other Side of Laugavegur: Past Queer Spaces in Reykjavik (Ásta Kristín Benediktsdóttir and Jón Ingvar Kjaran) -- 42. Gay Inheritance Decisions: Family of Choice or Family of Origin (Peter B. Robinson) -- 43. Childhood Schools and the Ideal Citizen: Efforts to Support LGBTQ Children in Australian Schools in the 1980s and 2000s (Scott McKinnon) -- 44. Teaching Teenagers about Gender Norms and Sexuality Through Spatiality in French Rurality (Alix Teffo Sanchez) -- 45. Trans Mobility across Borders: Towards an Intersectional Account of Trans Diaspora in Migration Studies (Victor Jorquera, Andrés Di Masso and Marianne Blidon).