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The author compares two political parties, one from Eastern/Central Europe, and the other from Western Europe - Hungarian Jobbik and Dutch Party for Freedom of Geert Wilders - to portray some of the similarities, as well as the differences, between radical right parties in Western and Eastern European countries. The article is divided into three parts. In the first part, the author presents the contemporary radical right. Contemporary radical right, in comparison to the interwar radical right, is not necessary anti-systemic, but mainly ultra-nationalistic, xenophobic and homophobic. Although the term radical right describes one party family, this party family has significant internal differences. Therefore, there are many definitions, which are trying to grasp this political phenomenon. The second part of the article analyses the Hungarian Jobbik. The author concludes that Jobbik satisfies all the characteristics of the radical right, and therefore represents a truly radical right party. The third part of the article is devoted to the Dutch Party for Freedom. The author concludes that this party can also be regarded as a radical right party. Adapted from the source document.

The author applies a variant of the common pool resources theory to the problem of public spending under the coalition governments elected by proportional representation. The claim is that proportional representation produces cabinets with a large number of parties, and that a large number of parties brings about higher public spending (measured by budget deficit and public debt). The author constructs and deploys the concept of budgetary dilemma to the effect that, absent institutional constraints, public spending results in expansionary fiscal policy. In the second part, the author empirically tests the budgetary dilemma in two postcommunist democracies - Serbia and Croatia, which in 2000-2013 had cabinets with a large number of actors and increasing public spending. The analysis shows a statistically unreliable predictive capacity of the main independent variable - the number of parties in the cabinet. Statistical analysis is followed by several illustrations of the budgetary dilemma. Adapted from the source document.

The author applies a variant of the common pool resources theory to the problem of public spending under the coalition governments elected by proportional representation. The claim is that proportional representation produces cabinets with a large number of parties, and that a large number of parties brings about higher public spending (measured by budget deficit and public debt). The author constructs and deploys the concept of budgetary dilemma to the effect that, absent institutional constraints, public spending results in expansionary fiscal policy. In the second part, the author empirically tests the budgetary dilemma in two postcommunist democracies - Serbia and Croatia, which in 2000-2013 had cabinets with a large number of actors and increasing public spending. The analysis shows a statistically unreliable predictive capacity of the main independent variable - the number of parties in the cabinet. Statistical analysis is followed by several illustrations of the budgetary dilemma. Adapted from the source document.

Since its beginnings till the present day, Radovan Pavic has been the most frequent author in the area of Political Geography, Geopolitics and Geostrategy in Politicka misao. Although he was not the only author in this area, his work left a strong influence on the development of Political Geography and Geopolitics at the Faculty of Political Science in Zagreb and on the development of the discipline in Croatia. Having in mind the quantitative extension of his work, this paper analyzes the contribution in Politicka misao in the last fifty years (1964-2013). Besides quantitative analysis, the aim of this paper is content analysis on a geographical, thematic and theoretical basis. Adapted from the source document.

U ovoj se studiji analizuju normativni učinci odnosa konstitutivne moći i konstitucionalnog identiteta u osnivačkim ustavima. Uvodni deo naglašava centralnost ustava u procesu normativne integracije postkomunističkih poredaka, a u drugom delu analizuju se konkurirajući konstrukti "konstitutivne moći" u procesu izgradnje moderne evropske države. Treći deo je oslonjen na teorijsku i normativnu mapu prof. Ivana Prpića, i u njemu se analizuju strukturni deficiti osnivačkih ustava i osobita forma napetosti između "konstitutivne moći" i konstitucionalnog identiteta. Argumentira se da ova strukturna napetost proizvodi podjednako liberalne i demokratske deficite ovih poredaka. ; The author analyses the normative consequences of the relationship between constituent power and constitutional identity in founding constitutions. In the first part of the article, the author points to the centrality of the constitution in the normative integration process of post-communist regimes, while in the second part he analyzes competing constructs of 'constituent power' in the modern state building processes in Europe. In the third part the author uses the normative theoretical map of professor Ivan Prpić to analyze the structural deficits of post-communist founding constitutions and the specific form of tension between 'constituent power' and constitutional identity. The argument is that this tension can produce both democratic and liberal deficits of these regimes.

Autor u radu preispituje temeljne koncepte klasičnih teorija političkog odlučivanja i njihove usporedbe s donošenjem odluka tijekom rata. Obrađuju se dvije pionirske teorije političkog odlučivanja: ograničena racionalnost i inkrementalizam. Sukladno tome, autor prvo izlaže teorijski okvir u kojem opisuje prethodno navedene teorije te iznosi njihove temeljne koncepte. Potom se autor bavi vanjskom i obrambenom politikom te odlučivanjem u ratu, s fokusom na temeljne postulate rata Carla von Clausewitza. Nakon toga autor daje raspravu u kojoj preispituje sličnosti koncepata klasičnih teorija odlučivanja s temeljnim postulatima rata. U zaključku autor iznosi stajalište da se koncepti ograničene racionalnosti više podudaraju s postulatima rata nego inkrementalizam. ; The author of the paper examines the fundamental concepts of classical theories of political decision-making and comparisons with decision-making during wartime. Two theories at the forefront are examined: bounded rationality and incrementalism. In accordance with that, a theoretical construct is first conveyed and used to describe the aforementioned theories, as well as their fundamental concepts. Then, the author moves onto foreign and defense policy, as well as decision-making during wartime, focusing on Carl von Clausewitz's key postulates of war. This is followed by a discussion about the similarities between the classical concepts of decision-making and the basic postulates of war. To conclude, the author expresses the standpoint that the concepts of bounded rationality are more in keeping with the postulates of war than is the case with incrementalism.

U članku predstavljamo kvalitativno istraživanje svakodnevne građanske prakse dijela Čeha, s posebnim naglaskom na ulogu novih medija. Temi smo pristupili tako da smo se orijentirali na sadržaj, a ne na medije. U fokusu našeg istraživanja jesu načini na koje su građanske prakse strukturirane u užem i širem društvenom i političkom kontekstu te kako te kontekste doživljavaju postsocijalistički građani iz sela i velikih gradova. Uzimajući u obzir navedene kontekste, analizirali smo ulogu novih medija i građanske prakse u svakodnevnom životu. Istraživanje se temelji na polustrukturiranim dubinskim intervjuima s 22 politički i javno aktivna građanina, a pokazalo je da se Česi suočavaju sa sličnom krizom u institucionalnoj politici kao što je to slučaj i u starijim demokracijama. Istraživanje je također otkrilo razlike u načinu informiranja između sela i gradova, kako u participacijskim praksama tako i u načinima kako građani koriste nove medije. Međutim, istraživanje nije dokazalo da su novi mediji radikalno transformirali građanstvo, već je pokazalo da je došlo do suptilnih pomaka u praksi i do pragmatičnog miješanja komunikacije licem u lice i tradicionalnih medija (tiskani mediji, sustavi razglasa, oglasne ploče) s novim komunikacijskim tehnologijama. ; The article discusses qualitative research on the mundane civic practices of some Czechs, with a specific focus on the role of new media. It works with a context-oriented approach in order to avoid media-centrism. Our research is focussed on the ways in which civic practices are structured by immediate and wider social and political contexts and how they are experienced by post-socialist citizens from villages and large cities. The role of new media and the place of civic practices in everyday life is analysed with respect to these contexts. The research based on semi-structured in-depth interviews with 22 politically and publicly active citizens indicates that Czechs experience a similar crisis in relation to institutional politics as their counterparts in long established democracies and it reveals tell-tale differences between the social spaces of villages and cities both in participatory practices and in civic uses of new media. However, the study does not indicate a radical, new media-driven transformation of citizenship, rather it suggests subtle shifts in practices and a pragmatic mixing of face-to-face communication and traditional media (print, public address systems, noticeboards) with new communication technologies.

Autor u članku komparira dvije stranke, jednu iz Istočne, odnosno Srednje, a drugu iz Zapadne Europe – mađarski Jobbik i nizozemsku Slobodarsku stranku Geerta Wildersa – kako bi se prikazale sličnosti, ali i neke od razlika, između radikalno desnih stranaka zapadnih te istočnoeuropskih zemalja. Članak je podijeljen u tri dijela. U prvom dijelu autor prikazuje suvremenu radikalnu desnicu. Suvremena radikalna desnica, za razliku od međuratne (1918.-1939.), nije nužno protusustavska, već se pretežno radi o ultranacionalističkim, ksenofobnim te homofobnim strankama i pokretima. Iako označava jednu stranačku obitelj, termin radikalna desnica prilično je širok te unutar te grupacije postoje značajne razlike između stranaka. Zbog toga postoji i mnoštvo definicija koje žele obuhvatiti taj politički fenomen. U drugom dijelu članka autor analizira mađarski Jobbik. Zaključuje kako Jobbik zadovoljava sve karakteristike radikalne desnice te se bez sumnje može reći da je jedna uistinu radikalno desna stranka. Treći dio članka posvećen je nizozemskoj Slobodarskoj stranci. Autor smatra kako Slobodarska stranka također zadovoljava sve kriterije, te se može svrstati u radikalnu desnicu. ; The author compares two political parties, one from Eastern/Central Europe, and the other from Western Europe – Hungarian Jobbik and Dutch Party for Freedom of Geert Wilders – to portray some of the similarities, as well as the differences, between radical right parties in Western and Eastern European countries. The article is divided into three parts. In the first part, the author presents the contemporary radical right. Contemporary radical right, in comparison to the interwar radical right, is not necessary anti-systemic, but mainly ultra-nationalistic, xenophobic and homophobic. Although the term radical right describes one party family, this party family has significant internal differences. Therefore, there are many definitions, which are trying to grasp this political phenomenon. The second part of the article analyses the Hungarian Jobbik. The author concludes that Jobbik satisfies all the characteristics of the radical right, and therefore represents a truly radical right party. The third part of the article is devoted to the Dutch Party for Freedom. The author concludes that this party can also be regarded as a radical right party.

Članak propituje doprinos hrvatske politologije razvoju demokracije u Hrvatskoj. Fokus analize je pojam kulture o kojem autor govori u pet koraka. U prvom koraku je određena u modernom ključu, u drugom kao različita od prirode, a u trećemu kao različita od društva. U četvrtom se unutar politike razlikuje politička kultura od političke ekonomije i političkih ustanova, no u petom se pokazuje da je kultura nosivi dio politike i kao politics i kao policy i kao polity. Na temelju tih odredaba pokazuje se da je matica hrvatske politologije zaokupljena pretežito i u sve većoj mjeri izučavanjem upravo predmeta koji na prvi pogled pripadaju politici kao kulturi, i to u užem smislu političke kulture, te da se ona sama reproducira kao politička kultura. ; The article discusses the contribution of Croatian political science to the development of democracy in Croatia. The focus of the analysis is the concept of culture which author talks about in five steps. In the first step it is understood in the modern key, in the second step as different for nature and in the third as different from society. In the fourth step author differentiates political culture from political economy and political institutions, but in the fifth part there is an attempt to show culture as a fundamental part of politics, policy and polity. On the basis of these insights author shows that the matrix of Croatian political science is more and more devoted to scientific investigation of politics as culture as both study of political culture and as a source of development as politics as culture.

In this article, the author suggests that in recent years climate change is gravely affecting the stability of the international order. The reason is not only the recklessness of the industrial sector as a source polluter, but also the lack of political will in drafting a global blueprint for creating a unique international climate regime. Even though the effects of climate change are getting worse each year, the selfish interests of states, the realpolitik in foreign policy and anarchy dominate international relations, thus representing an obstacle to creating an international climate regime. The author examines ways to overcome these obstacles to international institutionalization of climate issues by introducing three IR theory perspectives: realist, rationalist and idealist. The synthesis of these three perspectives is that the international climate regime should be decentralized; its legal acts should be drafted from inter-state agreements on specific issues, while its principles should be incorporated to the already existing international legal acts. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, the author suggests that in recent years climate change is gravely affecting the stability of the international order. The reason is not only the recklessness of the industrial sector as a source polluter, but also the lack of political will in drafting a global blueprint for creating a unique international climate regime. Even though the effects of climate change are getting worse each year, the selfish interests of states, the realpolitik in foreign policy and anarchy dominate international relations, thus representing an obstacle to creating an international climate regime. The author examines ways to overcome these obstacles to international institutionalization of climate issues by introducing three IR theory perspectives: realist, rationalist and idealist. The synthesis of these three perspectives is that the international climate regime should be decentralized; its legal acts should be drafted from inter-state agreements on specific issues, while its principles should be incorporated to the already existing international legal acts. Adapted from the source document.

Svrha ovoga rada je ustanoviti temeljni razlog Platonove izjave da je filozofija najveća muzika. Smatrajući da je glavni uzrok pretpostavljenoj nejasnoći te tvrdnje drugačije poimanje muzike i filozofije kod Platona u odnosu na današnje, autor najprije izlaže izvorni grčki pojam muzike uspoređujući ga sa suvremenim. U drugom dijelu istražuje Platonov odnos prema muzici, ispitujući kakvu joj je ulogu dodijelio u svojoj filozofiji. Pokazuje se kako je uvriježena predodžba o Platonovu omalovažavanju pjesništva pogrešna. Svoje viđenje slo­ženijeg i pozitivnijeg Platonova odnosa prema muzici autor povezuje s njegovim političkim favoriziranjem frigijskog modusa, otkrivajući u tome slabo zapažen dionizijski aspekt kod Platona. Zaključuje se da tek uz brižljivu kulturološku kontekstualizaciju grčke filozofije postaje jasno zašto je ona za Platona bila najveća muzika. ; The purpose of this paper is to establish a fundamental reason for Plato's claim that philosophy is the greatest music. Holding that the main reason for its supposed unclearness is in fact a discrepancy in understanding of music and philosophy in Plato in respect to modern meaning, author firstly elaborates on the original Greek notion on music and compares it with the contemporary one. In the second part of the paper, author explored Plato's relationship with music, examining what role did he give to the music in his philosophy. It turns out that the traditional view of Plato's negative attitude towards music is false. Author provides a reader with a more complex analysis of the problem and offers a positive view on music in respect to Plato, which he then links to Plato's political preference of Phrygian mode, pointing towards rarely observed Dionysian aspect in Plato's thought. Only a proper cultural contextualization of Greek philosophy can get us closer to understanding why, for Plato, philosophy was greatest kind of music.

Suprotstavljanje društveno neprihvatljivim postupanjima, poglavito činjenju korupcijskih kaznenih djela, u koje spada i davanje mita, važno je pitanje svakog uređenog pravnog poretka. Središnji dio te politike predstavlja kaznena politika. U ovom radu autor obrađuje kazneno zakonodavstvo Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva Velike Britanije i Sjeverne Irske s obzirom na pitanje aktivnog podmićivanja kao jednog od temeljnih oblika koruptivnog ponašanja. Prikazujući poredbeno uređenje kaznenog sustava navedenih zemalja, autor će se osvrnuti na osnovne sličnosti i razlike pravnog uređenja pasivnog podmićivanja u Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu u odnosu na domaći pravni sustav. ; Confronting socially unacceptable activities, especially corruptive criminal acts, including bribing, makes an important issue of every regulated legal system. The crucial part of such policies are the criminal polices. In this paper, the author deals with the criminal legislation of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, related to the matters of active bribing as one of the basic forms of corruptive behaviour. While comparing the way the penal system is regulated in the said country, the author comments basic similarities and differences of the passive bribing legal regulation in the United Kingdom and the Republic of Croatia.

The author gives an overview of political sociology as a (sub)discipline of modern political science, with special reference to Croatia. The paper consists of three parts. In the first part the method and the development of modern political sociology is given by putting special emphasis on the eclectic nature of the (sub)discipline. The second part is dedicated to the bibliometric analysis with respect to the subject matter of political sociology of three journals relevant to political science in Croatia, namely Politicka misao, Anali Hrvatskog politoloskog drustva and Suvremene teme. The analysis results show an extremely small number of papers in the field of political sociology in all three journals, as well as the uneven distribution of topics within the subject of political sociology. The third and final part of the paper compares Croatian experiences in the field of political sociology with international trends and other political science (sub)disciplines. The author concludes that the Croatian political sociology is underdeveloped and inconsistent with the topics of political sociologies in other countries. Adapted from the source document.