Suchergebnisse

The last years of World War II have brought, per ensemble, complex problems for the "Regele Ferdinand I" University, which, after the Vienna Treaty of 1940, has been functioning in exile from Sibiu and Timişoara. From 1944 the model of the modern University of Cluj was brutally converted to an instrument of propaganda for a communist ideology, far fetched from its original nationalistic vocation. The period of transition from democracy to totalitarianism, 1944-1947, was marked by a series of events such as: the beginning of the process of politicization within the University of Cluj, the problems related to the foundation of "Bolyai" University, the return in 1945 of the University to its original sight from Cluj, the students strikes in January-June 1946, the university repression generally speaking, and particularly the repressions of students, and, last but not least, the debates of the University Senate concerning the politicization of the academic environment and the dismissal of some "compromised" members of the teaching staff. After 1944, the communists were interested in eliminating all political rivals, therefore the dismissal threats, followed by the contractions within the Departments of the University of Cluj, became a cruel reality between 1944-1948. Like all the other Romanian universities, the Cluj University began compiling "expurgation" dossiers for the so called "fascist" university professors, and substituting the old rectors and deans with new ones from amongst those who had adapted to the "new age". The public stand of the academics has gradually declined after 1944, when their life and activity has been brought to challenge, the changing values after March 1945 favouring the devotion towards the new regime, and praising less and less the academic fulfilment. On the background of "democratic" reforms, the new regime authorities have intensified the brutal isolation, especially of scholars among which a great number of university professors, by means of massive arrests. The most invoked reasons were: denigration of the power of the state, opposition to the construction of socialism, or the need to re-educate the "hostile" elements from within the Popular Republic of Romania.

In the current, highly unpredictable context, in which the great powers want to preserve their economic, political, cultural and military influences, and the regional powers seek to receive an as comfortable as possible place at the table of the powerful ones, there is still a dilemma for which military strategies do not have a definitive answer: territorial troops versus professional forces. The two concepts are found, in specific forms, in the Romanian military terminology, as well as in the legislation approved in order to modernise the Romanian military body ever since the time of Prince Alexandru Ioan I (Alexandru Ioan Cuza). In the first years of the establishment of the modern Romanian Army, the political factors, but especially the military ones, with decision-making power, enacted the organisation of the Romanian armed power, introducing modern doctrinal concepts, starting, however, from the traditional military doctrine, according to which the national territory of the country is defended by the entire people. Thus, during the reign of Alexandru Ioan I, the main components of the Romanian Army were the permanent army, with its reserve forces, the territorial army, as well as the militias, which included, without being paid special importance, the city guard and the crowds.

"The military measures established by the Paris Peace Treaty of 10 February 1947 considerably diminished the Romanian Armed Forces combat capacity. The international diplomatic document stipulated that the armed forces should not exceed 138,000 troops, the number of military aircraft was reduced to 150, of which 100 were fighter jets, and the Navy was forbidden to have submarines and torpedoes in the inventory. Moreover, the Navy could be staffed with a maximum of 5,000 people, and the value of the total tonnage of the ships could not exceed 15,000 TDW. Starting in 1948, the Romanian People's Republic Armed Forces were reorganised, in compliance with the impositions of the Allied Control Commission (Soviet Party) and the provisions of the Paris Peace Treaty. In this context, the Navy, together with the Navy Command as a higher echelon, had a new organisation, which also took into account the budgetary problems Romania had to face after the Second World War."

"The European political events of the fourth decade of the twentieth century had bad repercussions on Romania's security system, which led to the intensification of measures to prepare the economy, population and territory for defence so that the Romanian army was able to counter possible aggression on the national territory. Dobrogea was to know, in its turn, the transformations of the Romanian territory defence system: the 9th Infantry Division was located on the southern border of Dobrogea, and the 10th Infantry Division was located in the Delta and Tulcea County area. In those circumstances, the then-mayor of Constanța, General (r.) Teodor Nicolau, took measures to protect the population in case of possible bombing, building high-capacity underground shelters."

Ferdinand I. gehört zu den Begründern der späteren Donaumonarchie und damit zu den wichtigsten habsburgischen Herrschern der Neuzeit.

Mit diesem Buch wird ein bedeutender Akteur auf der politischen Bühne des 16. Jahrhunderts erstmals eingehend gewürdigt. Ferdinand I., der Nachfolger Kaiser Karls V., hat in der Historiographie seit Ranke im Schatten seines älteren Bruders gestanden, dessen loyaler Helfer er jahrzehntelang gewesen ist. Die leitende Frage ist, wie Ferdinand I., der bis 1564 regiert hat, seine Aufgabe als Kaiser begriffen hat, seine Möglichkeiten einschätzte und seine Politik einrichtete. Die Arbeit wertet in größerem Ausmaß bislang ungedrucktes archivalisches Material aus. Es wird nachgewiesen, dass Ferdinands Politik als Kaiser sich deutlich von der Karls V. abhebt, obwohl er an einer wesentlichen Zielsetzung des Bruders festgehalten hat, denn er bemühte sich wie jener aus vorreformatorischem Selbstverständnis als weltliches Haupt der Christenheit bis zu seinem Tod um die Wiederherstellung der zerbrochenen Einheit der Christianitas catholica. Die Untersuchung beginnt beim Augsburger Reichstag von 1555, um die grundlegende Bedeutung der dort unter maßgeblicher Beeinflussung durch Ferdinand erzielten Ergebnisse für seine künftige Haltung und Politik als Kaiser darzutun. Sie behandelt in den folgenden Kapiteln neben seiner Reichspolitik und seiner "Außenpolitik", die auf Bewahrung des Friedens angelegt waren, seine Konzilspolitik, die in seinen Initiativen zur Einberufung und seiner kritischen Begleitung der dritten Periode des Trienter Konzils fassbar ist, und seine Auffassung vom Kaisertum. Sie bestätigt, worin schon Ferdinands Zeitgenossen sein Hauptverdienst gesehen haben: dem Reich eine Epoche relativ sicheren Friedens beschert zu haben.

The main topics of the correspondence between Ferdinand I and his siblings Charles V and Mary of Hungary edited in this volume are Ferdinand's attempts to achieve peace with Johann Szapolyai in Hungary; the clashes with the Ottomans; the Tunis campaign of Charles V; the conflict with Francis I of France after the death of the last Sforza Duke of Milan; and the confessional division in the Holy Roman Empire. - Der in diesem Band edierte Briefverkehr zwischen Ferdinand I. und seinen Geschwistern Karl V. und Maria von Ungarn, wird von den folgenden Problemkreisen bestimmt: von Ferdinands Versuchen, mit Johann Szapolyai einen Frieden in Ungarn zu erreichen; von den Auseinandersetzungen mit den Osmanen und dem Tunis-Feldzug Karls V.; vom Konflikt mit Franz I. von Frankreich nach dem Tod des letzten Sforza-Herzogs in Mailand; und von der konfessionellen Spaltung im Reich.Edition der Korrespondenz Ferdinands I. mit seinen Geschwistern Karl V. und Maria von Ungarn.
Sprache der Publikation: Deutsch, Englisch (Einleitung, Regesten, Kommentar); Französisch, Deutsch, Spanisch, Latein (Korrespondenzsprachen)

Charles V and Ferdinand I exerted a strong influence on the European policy in the 16th century. Charles V lived in residences and towns in Spain, the Netherlands and the Holy Roman Empire like a "Reisekaiser" (travelling Emperor). Above all, Charles V was the Emperor of the first global European Empire and therefore his memory, in comparison with his younger brother Ferdinand I is more vivid.

For Napoleon, Fernando was an enemy by the simple fact of being a Bourbon king. Moreover, Napoleon hardly knew about Fernando until the incidents of El Escorial revealed to him he was a coward and an easy to deceive. The ease with which Fernando fell in the trap of Bayona and his little resistance to his requirements confirmed the Emperor of his opinion. In this way, Napoleon in disdain, kept humiliating him by exasperated by the servility he demonstrated. The military situation in 1813 obligated Napoleon to negotiate with Fernando and even to suggest a marriage with his niece, Zenaide. However, his hatred was such that, as soon as the circumstances permitted, he was determined to dethrone the king. ; Para Napoleón, Fernando era un enemigo por el mero hecho de ser un Borbón. Además, no sabía casi nada de él cuando los acontecimientos de El Escorial le revelaron que era cobarde y fácil de engañar. La facilidad con la que le atrajo a Bayona y la poca resistencia a sus exigencias, le confirmaron en su opinión, negándose a reconocerlo como rey. Con lo cual, lleno de menosprecio, no cesó de humillarle, exasperándose del servilismo que Fernando le manifestó. La situación militar de 1813 obligó al Emperador a negociar con Fernando e incluso a proponerle la mano de su sobrina Zénaïde. Pero su odio era tal que estaba decidido, en cuanto lo permitieran las circunstancias, a volver a arrebatarle el trono que se veía obligado a devolverle.