Suchergebnisse

Acknowledgements -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1 Introduction -- On Squatting -- The Case in a Nutshell -- Through the Lens of Social Movements Theory -- References -- Chapter 2 The Case of Montevideo -- Squatting and the Repertoire of Collective Action by the Urban Poor of Montevideo -- A Stubborn Statist Tradition in a Worn-DownElastic State -- Statism and Clientelism: Continuities and Changes -- Changing the Repertoire -- From Marginality to the Poor Working Class: A Change in Demographics and Identity -- Demographics Through Historical and More Recent Studies of Squatters -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3 The Cycle of Land Invasions -- Snapshot 1: A Story of an Accretion Invasion (1950s) -- Snapshot 2: A Story of a Planned Invasion (1990s) -- Snapshot 3: A Story of a Land Invasion by Subdivision and Sale (Early 2000s) -- Snapshot 4: Eviction (from 2004 Onwards) -- Making Sense of the Snapshots -- When, How, and Where? -- Accretion Invasions -- Planned Invasions -- Subdivision and Sale -- Prevalence, Timing, Land Ownership, and Geography: A Panorama of Land Squatting in Montevideo -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4 Accretion Invasions. A Story of an Unlikely Contention (1979-1990) -- Late Start in Relation to the Rural-Urban Migration Process -- Steady Growth During the Military Regime -- A Powerful Ally: Squatters and the Catholic Church During Authoritarian Times -- La Calera -- San Vicente -- Scaling up: MOVIDE -- MOVIDE from an International Perspective -- References -- Chapter 5 Planned Squatting and Politics -- A New Form of Squatting -- Electoral Competition as Political Opportunity -- The Leftist Orientation of the Rising Contender in the Electoral Race -- Squatters and the Left from the Politicians' Perspective -- Squatters and the Left from the Squatters' Perspective

¿Qué sucede cuando los desiguales se juntan? En este artículo se analiza la interacción entre clases sociales altas y bajas en una universidad en Colombia, uno de los países más inequitativos y fragmentados del mundo, a partir de un programa estatal de becas. Con base en entrevistas a profundidad, observación etnográfica y grupos focales, se encuentra que el programa provee oportunidades inéditas para que los jóvenes de sectores populares interactúen con clases sociales más altas, y eventualmente, formen redes de amistad. Las interacciones están atravesadas por experiencias de desigualdad nuevas, emociones como la vergüenza o el orgullo, y ciertos límites simbólicos que ponen énfasis en el desempeño académico e igualan, y otros que acentúan las diferencias de clase y separan.

AbstractThis article argues that material conditions limit the possibilities of symbolic boundaries becoming markers of social differentiation, especially among stigmatized groups. Using squatter settlements in Montevideo, Uruguay, as a case study, it shows that symbolic boundaries are hard to maintain when material conditions and the stigmas associated with certain places work against them. Based on participant observation and oral histories, it analyses how squatters experienced the move to a squatter settlement. It argues that, for many, it was a way to resist exclusion, a struggle to belong to the city and to protect a social position that structural changes under neoliberalism had put at risk. This required engaging in difficult symbolic boundary work to distinguish themselves from cantegriles—poor and crowded older shantytowns—and claim dignity as workers and residents of a regular city neighbourhood. Yet, there were many limits to their fight in an increasingly fragmented city. Through follow‐up visits to several settlements over almost two decades and tracking the case in the local press, through available survey data and secondary literature, this article offers a longitudinal perspective of symbolic boundaries in the making.

Some Latin American cities are trying to overcome decades of market and state led segregation through mixing urban policies, which consist of locating social housing in better off neighborhoods rather than in the poor peripheries where it was traditionally built. This change comes from the realization of the negative effects of living in segregated public housing and homogeneously poor neighborhoods in general which havebeen documented in Latin America as well as elsewhere. Bogotá is one of these cases. European and American cities have experimented with different variations of mixed income policies since the 1990s. What can we learn from their experience? And, in turn, what can Latin American cities contribute to the literature on urban mixing and integration? ; Plusieurs villes d'Amérique latine essayent de surmonter des décennies de ségrégation (d'état et de marché), en mettant en place des politiques urbaines de mixité qui consistent à localiser des logements sociaux dans des quartiers aisés plutôt que dans les périphéries pauvres où ils étaient traditionnellement construits. Ce changement découle de la prise de conscience des effets négatifs que peut entrainer la vie dans des quartiers défavorisés, en général, sans aucune mixité sociale, qui ont été notamment documentés en Amérique latine. Bogotá en est un exemple. Les villes européennes et américaines ont, quant à elles, expérimenté la mise en place des diverses politiques de revenus mixtes depuis les années 1990 afin d'enrayer la situation. Que pouvonsnous apprendre de leur expérience? Et, à leur tour, comment les villes latinoaméricaines peuventelles contribuer à la littérature sur la mixité urbaine et l'intégration ?

Some Latin American cities are trying to overcome decades of market and state led segregation through mixing urban policies, which consist of locating social housing in better off neighborhoods rather than in the poor peripheries where it was traditionally built. This change comes from the realization of the negative effects of living in segregated public housing and homogeneously poor neighborhoods in general which havebeen documented in Latin America as well as elsewhere. Bogotá is one of these cases. European and American cities have experimented with different variations of mixed income policies since the 1990s. What can we learn from their experience? And, in turn, what can Latin American cities contribute to the literature on urban mixing and integration? ; Plusieurs villes d'Amérique latine essayent de surmonter des décennies de ségrégation (d'état et de marché), en mettant en place des politiques urbaines de mixité qui consistent à localiser des logements sociaux dans des quartiers aisés plutôt que dans les périphéries pauvres où ils étaient traditionnellement construits. Ce changement découle de la prise de conscience des effets négatifs que peut entrainer la vie dans des quartiers défavorisés, en général, sans aucune mixité sociale, qui ont été notamment documentés en Amérique latine. Bogotá en est un exemple. Les villes européennes et américaines ont, quant à elles, expérimenté la mise en place des diverses politiques de revenus mixtes depuis les années 1990 afin d'enrayer la situation. Que pouvonsnous apprendre de leur expérience? Et, à leur tour, comment les villes latinoaméricaines peuventelles contribuer à la littérature sur la mixité urbaine et l'intégration ?

Some Latin American cities are trying to overcome decades of market and state led segregation through mixing urban policies, which consist of locating social housing in better off neighborhoods rather than in the poor peripheries where it was traditionally built. This change comes from the realization of the negative effects of living in segregated public housing and homogeneously poor neighborhoods in general which havebeen documented in Latin America as well as elsewhere. Bogotá is one of these cases. European and American cities have experimented with different variations of mixed income policies since the 1990s. What can we learn from their experience? And, in turn, what can Latin American cities contribute to the literature on urban mixing and integration? ; Plusieurs villes d'Amérique latine essayent de surmonter des décennies de ségrégation (d'état et de marché), en mettant en place des politiques urbaines de mixité qui consistent à localiser des logements sociaux dans des quartiers aisés plutôt que dans les périphéries pauvres où ils étaient traditionnellement construits. Ce changement découle de la prise de conscience des effets négatifs que peut entrainer la vie dans des quartiers défavorisés, en général, sans aucune mixité sociale, qui ont été notamment documentés en Amérique latine. Bogotá en est un exemple. Les villes européennes et américaines ont, quant à elles, expérimenté la mise en place des diverses politiques de revenus mixtes depuis les années 1990 afin d'enrayer la situation. Que pouvonsnous apprendre de leur expérience? Et, à leur tour, comment les villes latinoaméricaines peuventelles contribuer à la littérature sur la mixité urbaine et l'intégration ?

En la última década del siglo XX la ciudad de Montevideo sufrió cambios drásticos. El número de barrios informales creció como nunca en la historia de la ciudad. Muchos de esos barrios se formaron a partir de invasiones organizadas, es decir, mediante un proceso en el que un grupo identificó un terreno disponible, lo invadió, trazó calles y lotes, negoció con las autoridades y se organizó para demandar servicios públicos. Este artículo se pregunta qué explica la ola de invasiones de tierra planificadas en torno a 1990 en Montevideo. A partir de análisis cuantitativo y cualitativo de eventos de invasión a través del tiempo, argumenta que el aumento de la competencia electoral y la llegada de la coalición de izquierda Frente Amplio al gobierno de la ciudad, constituyeron una oportunidad política clave para los pobres urbanos ; The city of Montevideo changed drastically during the last decade of the twentieth century. The number of informal neighborhoods increased in an unprecedented manner. Many of these neighborhoods started as organized land invasions, that is, with a group identifying a piece of land, invading it, outlining streets and plots, negotiating with authorities and organizing to demand public services. This article asks what explains the wave of organized land invasions in Montevideo around 1990. Using qualitative and quantitative analysis of squatting events over time, it argues that the rising electoral competition and the arrival of the leftist coalition Frente Amplio to the city government, constituted a key political opportunity for the urban poor.

AbstractThe installation of cable cars as part of slum beautification projects has begun to circulate among politicians, planners and residents as a magical solution that offers social and economic integration to historically marginalized urban areas. This paper analyzes the way in which a cable car project became a fetish for the inhabitants, politicians and planners of Cazucá, a very deprived, abandoned and stigmatized area on the outskirts of Bogotá, Colombia. The highly positive value given to the cable car project must be understood within the specific local context without judging its 'false promises' a priori. The promise of the cable car in Cazucá reveals at least two crucial political reasons for the current potency of such projects: a complex history of political failures and the political value cable cars have acquired nationally and internationally. We analyze how, for both residents and politicians, the mere possibility of a cable car awakened long neglected desires for visibility and created new ones, such as those related to tourism. They see the cable car as an 'engine for social change', a way to ensure the commitment of national and international funds, and a venue to brand the city on a global scale.

"Política en los márgenes desarrolla una perspectiva sobre los ocupantes ilegales y la política que es sumamente necesaria: un enfoque matizado e interdisciplinario que revela tanto la heterogeneidad de la pobreza urbana como la complejidad de la política que rodea a los asentamientos ilegales. Álvarez Rivadulla analiza el caso específico de los ocupantes ilegales en Uruguay al mismo tiempo que muestra por qué este caso particular puede ser de interés para los académicos que trabajan en otros lugares de América Latina y el mundo"--Página 4 de la cubierta

¿Logra la educación superior de alta calidad nivelar las desigualdades de base que existen entre estudiantes de distintos orígenes socioeconómicos? En este artículo comparamos la inserción al mercado laboral de los beneficiarios del programa Ser Pilo Paga y sus compañeros de clase alta que se graduaron en Derecho e Ingeniería de Sistemas de una universidad de élite. Los resultados muestran que los 'pilos' han experimentado un grado importante de movilidad social y están teniendo un impacto positivo en sus comunidades, pero reciben salarios más bajos que sus pares y experimentan emociones difíciles al enfrentarse al mercado laboral. Así mismo, revelan que las experiencias de los 'pilos' varían considerablemente de una carrera a otra, lo cual parece explicarse por la calidad del mercado laboral y la importancia que tienen el capital social y cultural en las profesiones escogidas.