Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Kurdish Notables and the Ottoman State -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Note on Transliteration and Translation -- Illustrations -- 1. Introduction -- The Role of Kurdish Nationalism in the Emergence of the Turkish Republic -- A Brief Discussion of Nationalism -- Different Interpretations of Nationalism -- Ethnicity, Nationalism, and the Development of Identity -- Nationalism in the Kurdish Case -- Nationalism and Notables in the Ottoman Empire -- Boundaries of the Research -- Organization and General Arguments of the Chapters -- 2. Evolution of Group Identity: The Kurds and Kurdistan in Historical Texts -- Origin of the Kurds -- Kurds and Kurdistan in Medieval Sources -- Serefhan Bitlisi -- The Seventeenth Century: Ahmed-i Hani -- Evliya Çelebi: A View of An Ottoman Traveler -- Kurds and Kurdistan in the Late Ottoman Period -- Kürdistan: The First Kurdish Newspaper -- Semseddin Sami -- The Post-World War I Period -- Conclusion -- 3. State-Tribe Relations: Ottoman Empire and Kurdish Tribalism Since the Sixteenth Century -- Tribe, Emirate, and the Kurds -- Theoretical Framework -- Definition of Kurdish Tribes -- Kurdish Tribalism Prior to the Ottoman Conquest -- Ottoman-Safavid Relations and "Kurdistan" -- Ottoman Administration in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries -- Classical Ottoman Administration -- Ottoman Administration in Kurdistan -- Decreasing Level of Autonomy -- Ottoman Administrative Policies in Nineteenth-Century Kurdistan -- Conclusion: Consequences of Ottoman Rule -- 4. Kurdish "Protonationalism"?: The Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries -- The Nationalist Dimension of Kurdish Militancy -- Bedirhan Pasha and His Revolt of 1847 -- The Naqshbandi Semdinan Family and Sayyid Ubeydullah -- A Transformation to Nationalism: Two Kurdish Cultural and Political Organizations, 1908-20.

The article presents the result of a research on the final years of Mulla Mustafa Barzani on the basis of US intelligence reports concluded in the late 1970s and declassified in 2006, as well as memoirs and articles by U.S. foreign officers. The author focuses on the documents prepared by the CIA in relation with the travel of Barzani to the U.S. for medical treatment. The selected material concerns issues such as: U.S. support for the last Kurdish uprising headed by Mustafa Barzani and its nature, Barzani's request from the U.S. after the Algiers Accord of 1975, behind-the-curtain negotiations regarding Barzani's travel to the U.S., and the restrictions imposed on him during his stay. The author also considers the possibilities connected with the phrase "requested asylum" used for Barzani's application to travel to the U.S.: from misinformation on the part of CIA officer, actually seeking refuge, to a political move aimed at enlisting U.S. support for the Kurdish cause. The author encourages the readers to form their own opinions on the presented matter. However, one indisputable fact remains – the U.S. has always been very much interested in Kurdish nationalism and the Kurds were a significant subject in the Cold War years.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14760

The article presents the result of a research on the final years of Mulla Mustafa Barzani on the basis of US intelligence reports concluded in the late 1970s and declassified in 2006, as well as memoirs and articles by U.S. foreign officers. The author focuses on the documents prepared by the CIA in relation with the travel of Barzani to the U.S. for medical treatment. The selected material concerns issues such as: U.S. support for the last Kurdish uprising headed by Mustafa Barzani and its nature, Barzani's request from the U.S. after the Algiers Accord of 1975, behind-the-curtain negotiations regarding Barzani's travel to the U.S., and the restrictions imposed on him during his stay. The author also considers the possibilities connected with the phrase "requested asylum" used for Barzani's application to travel to the U.S.: from misinformation on the part of CIA officer, actually seeking refuge, to a political move aimed at enlisting U.S. support for the Kurdish cause. The author encourages the readers to form their own opinions on the presented matter. However, one indisputable fact remains – the U.S. has always been very much interested in Kurdish nationalism and the Kurds were a significant subject in the Cold War years.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14760

AbstractThe religious and nationalist nature of the Sheikh Said Rebellion in 1925 has been debated by the scholars for decades. For the Kurdish nationalists the rebellion symbolized the Kurdish struggle for an independent state. For the Turkish state, it was another deception by Great Britain to stir up the region for its colonialist interests. Newly available sources in the US diplomatic archives raise the question of the Turkish government's fomentation and/or manipulation of the Sheikh Said Rebellion. In addition, some of the Turkish oppositional leaders (such as Kazim Karabekir) of the time suggested that this rebellion was allowed to happen to suppress the political opposition in Turkey. This study examines the validity of these claims and how this rebellion was manipulated to silence political opposition in Turkey. More specifically, this study will seek answers to the following questions: Was the Sheikh Said Rebellion fomented by the Turkish government to eliminate the political opposition? How was this rebellion manipulated to accomplish this aim?

The era culminating in World War I saw a transition from multinational empires to

nation-states. Large empires such as the Austro-Hungarian and the Ottoman searched for ways to

cope with the decline of their political control, while peoples in these empires shifted their political

loyalties to nation-states. The Ottoman Empire offers a favorable canvas for studying new

nationalisms that resulted in many successful and unsuccessful attempts to form nation-states. As

an example of successful attempts, Arab nationalism has received the attention that it deserves in

the field of Middle Eastern studies.1 Students have engaged in many complex

debates on different aspects of Arab nationalism, enjoying a wealth of hard data. Studies on

Kurdish nationalism, however, are still in their infancy. Only a very few scholars have addressed

the issue in a scholarly manner.2 We still have an inadequate understanding of the

nature of early Kurdish nationalism and its consequences for the Middle East in general and

Turkish studies in particular. Partly because of the subject's political sensitivity, many

scholars shy away from it. However, a consideration of Kurdish nationalism as an example of

unsuccessful attempts to form a nation-state can contribute greatly to the study of nationalism in

the Middle East.