Suchergebnisse

"At the turn of the millennium, Middle Eastern and Muslim Germans had rather unexpectedly become central to the country's Holocaust memory culture--not as welcome participants, but as targets for re-education and reform. Since then, Turkish- and Arab-Germans have been considered as the prime obstacles to German national reconciliation with its Nazi past, a status shared to a lesser degree by Germans from the formerly socialist East Germany. It is for this reason that the German government, German NGOs, and Muslim minority groups have begun to design Holocaust education and anti-Semitism prevention programs specifically tailored for Muslim immigrants and refugees, so that they, too, can learn the lessons of the Holocaust and embrace Germany's most important postwar democratic political values. Based on ethnographic research conducted over a decade, Subcontractors of Guilt explores when, how, and why Muslim Germans have moved to the center of Holocaust memory discussions. Esra Özyürek argues that German society "subcontracts" guilt of the Holocaust to new minority immigrant arrivals, with the false promise of this process leading to inclusion into the German social contract and equality with other members of postwar German society. By focusing on the recently formed but already sizable sector of Muslim-only anti-Semitism and Holocaust education programs, this book explores the paradoxes of postwar German national identity"--

Germanizing Islam and racializing Muslims -- Giving Islam a German face --Establishing distance from immigrant Muslims -- Double fall: East German conversion after the Berlin Wall --Being Muslim as a way of becoming German --Salafism as the future of european Islam?

Introduction : the politics of public memory in Turkey / Esra Özyürek -- Weaving modernity, commercializing carpets : collective memory and contested tradition in Örselli village / Kimberly Hart -- Stories in three dimensions : narratives of nation and the Anatolian civilizations museum / Aslı Gür -- Remembering a nine-thousand-year-old site : presenting Çatalhöyük / Ayfer Bartu Candan -- An endless death and an eternal mourning : November 10 in Turkey / Nazlı Ökten -- Public memory as political battleground : Islamist subversions of republican nostalgia / Esra Özyürek -- Memories of violence, memoirs of nation : the 1915 massacres and the construction of Armenian identity / Cihan Tuğal -- Polyphony and geographic kinship in Anatolia : framing the Turkish-Greek compulsory population exchange / Aslı Iğsiz

The elderly children of the republic : the public history in the private story -- Wedded to the republic : displaying transformations in private lives -- Miniaturizing Atatürk : the commodification of state iconography -- Hand in hand with the republic : civilian celebrations of the Turkish state -- Public memory as political battleground : Kemalist and Islamist versions of the early republic. - Includes bibliographical references (p. [199]-216) and index. - Formerly CIP

AbstractSince the year 2000, remembering the Holocaust and fighting anti-Semitism have come to be accepted as cornerstones of European identity. The flip side of this development has been racialization of Muslims by singling them out as the main contemporary anti-Semites. After discussing the emergence of the concept "Muslim anti-Semitism," I scrutinize government-issued reports and anti-Semitism-prevention programs in Germany. I show how the recent wave of struggle against anti-Semitism depicts Muslims as outsiders who bring unwanted ideologies, evaluates their anti-Semitism as more dangerous than that of right-wing German nationals, and attributes to Muslims culturally transmitted psychopathologies that make Muslim nations prone to anti-Semitism. Experts locate the root of Turkish anti-Semitism in their "myth of tolerance toward Jews," and of Arab anti-Semitism in their sense of a "false victimhood" and "desire for power and pride." Educators focus on each nationality separately to distinguish these alleged group-specific myths and feelings. Efforts and money that go into producing nation-specific Muslim anti-Semitisms depict a new Germany that has fully liberated itself from any anti-democratic tendencies surviving from its Nazi past. It also obscures connections between anti-Semitism and anti-Muslim racism, both of which are active forces in mainstream German society.

In the past twenty years, around three thousand Turkish Muslims converted to a Turkish-speaking Protestant movement. Despite their small number, they have been physically and ideologically attacked by Turkish nationalists. This article asks why it is so difficult for Turkish secular nationalists to accept that one can be a Turk and a Christian at the same time. Based on eight months of ethnographic research among Turkish Christians in Istanbul and Ankara and discourse analysis of popular antimissionary literature in Turkey, it argues that the nature of the campaign against Christian missionaries and Turkish converts to Christianity is first and foremost nationalist and etatist, not religious. Spokespeople and the gunmen of the antimissionary and anti-Christian campaign fear and loathe Turkish Christians primarily because they believe that by converting to Christianity they are being disloyal to their nation and their state.

At the turn of the twenty-first century two countries—one at the center of Europe and the other at its periphery—officially declared converts to minority religions to be threats to national security. The first is Germany, where since early 2006 Minister of Interior Affairs Wolfgang Schäuble has repeatedly warned against the danger posed by German converts to Islam (e.g., Schmid 2007). Recently, after two German Muslims were caught collecting chemicals used to make explosives, the Christian Democrat Union (CDU) faction's leader Wolfgang Bosbach and its Bavarian Interior Minister Günther Beckstein suggested the government register and follow all who have converted to Islam (Küchen 2007). Bosbach said, "A convert registry only makes sense given that we know some of them may be radicalized after converting" (Ringel 2007).

After more than seventy years of secularist rule in Turkey, victory of the Islam-based Welfare Party in the mid-1990s came as a surprise to many political observers. Electoral support for religious party politics increased despite heavy pressures from the secular army and state officials. Based on over twenty years of ethnographic research in a low-income neighborhood in Istanbul, Jenny White's Islamist Mobilization in Turkey explores the basis of this support and the meaning it carries in the daily lives of people.