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Credibility is frequently represented as both an ideal goal for journalism as a profession and as an integral part of the news industry's survival strategy. Yet there is no widely accepted operationalization of the concept of credibility. In the current article, we present the results of a study of credibility in Danish news media. Credibility is defined at an institutional level by two dimensions: A) the accuracy and reliability of the news stories featured in leading Danish news media, and B) journalists' knowledge and understanding of the Danish code of press ethics. The results show that sources only find objective errors in 14.1% of the news stories, which is a lower figure than most other studies report. The results also show that Danish journalists find bad press ethics to be an increasing problem and attribute this problem to increased pressure in the newsroom.

En ny magtudredning bør tage sociale medier alvorligt, ligesom den bør tage nye former for mediedeltagelse alvorligt. Samtidigt skal en ny magtudredning selvfølgelig også forholde sig til mediernes egen magt, og de mange skiftede relationer og magtkampe mellem medier og politik. Denne artikel opridser udviklingen af (hovedsagligt) dansk forskning i magt og medier fra 2003 og frem til i dag. Artiklen vil således give et komprimeret overblik over, hvad vi på nuværende tidspunkt ved om dette spørgsmål ud fra den eksisterede forskning samt udpege, hvad der for den danske befolkning kunne være afgørende at få afklaret af kommende forskning. Til dette formål vil artiklen benytte sig af en tidligere mediesociologisk opdeling af spørgsmålet om magt og medier i tre dimensioner: Magten bag medierne, magten i og omkring medierne og magten fra medierne.

The article analyzes and discusses recent developments in the political information environment in Denmark, understood as the supply of and demand for political news and political information in a given society. The article focuses on the supply of and demand for (political) news by traditional news media and alternative news media, as offered offline, online and on social media. The article shows that leading traditional news media are still the cornerstone of Danish news consumption, but also that users with lower levels of education and income from outside the Copenhagen area access traditional news outlets less frequently than the rest of the population. For social media, the analysis shows that Facebook remains the dominant social media platform in Denmark. At the same time, only 13 percent of Danish citizens consider "social media" as their most important source of news. Finally, the analysis of the Danish alternative media landscape shows that the monopoly position of traditional news media as a provider of news and views to a wide audience is increasingly challenged by a very heterogeneous group of new online media that includes hyperpartisan media, slow news media and debate-oriented media. The article concludes by discussing how the changes in the political information landscape can affect the democratic dialogue in Denmark.

Artiklen analyserer og diskuterer forandringer i det politiske informationslandskab i Danmark. Det politiske informationslandskab kan forstås som udbud og efterspørgsel af politiske nyheder og politisk information inden for et givet samfund. Artiklen fokuserer på udbuddet og efterspørgslen af (politiske) nyheder (offline, online og på de sociale medier) i forhold til traditionelle og alternative nyhedsmedier. Analysen viser, at de traditionelle nyhedsmedier stadig står centralt i forhold til danskernes brug af nyheder, men at lavtuddannede og lavtlønnede uden for hovestaden tilgår nyheder mindre hyppigt end resten af befolkningen. I forhold til de sociale medier viser analysen, at Facebook stadig er danskernes foretrukne sociale medieplatform. Samtidig er det kun er 13 pct. af danskerne, der samlet set betragter kategorien "sociale medier" som deres vigtigste nyhedskilde. Endelig viser analysen af forskellige typer alternative nyhedsmedier, at de traditionelle nyhedsmediers "monopolposition" som leverandør af news og views til et bredt publikum er ved at blevet udfordret af en meget heterogen skare af nye onlinemedier, der inkluderer både hyperpartiske medier, slow news medier og debatorienterede medier. Artiklen afslutter med at diskutere, hvordan forandringerne i det politiske informationslandskab kan påvirkevirke den demokratiske samtale i Danmark.

The article analyzes and discusses recent developments in the political information environment in Denmark, understood as the supply of and demand for political news and political information in a given society. The article focuses on the supply of and demand for (political) news by traditional news media and alternative news media, as offered offline, online and on social media. The article shows that leading traditional news media are still the cornerstone of Danish news consumption, but also that users with lower levels of education and income from outside the Copenhagen area access traditional news outlets less frequently than the rest of the population. For social media, the analysis shows that Facebook remains the dominant social media platform in Denmark. At the same time, only 13 percent of Danish citizens consider "social media" as their most important source of news. Finally, the analysis of the Danish alternative media landscape shows that the monopoly position of traditional news media as a provider of news and views to a wide audience is increasingly challenged by a very heterogeneous group of new online media that includes hyperpartisan media, slow news media and debate-oriented media. The article concludes by discussing how the changes in the political information landscape can affect the democratic dialogue in Denmark.

The revolving door between politics and lobbyism is growing in Denmark without this leading to any new legislation. In several countries, with which Denmark usually compares, similar developments have led to new legislation. The legislation is justified by two general considerations: protection of public trust in the political system and protection of the economic interest of the state. The article describes the rise of revolving-door lobbyism in the Nordic countries and Germany and analyzes recent legislation regulating the revolving door. It is concluded that both public trust and the economic interest of the state are mentioned as arguments for regulation. Against this backdrop, regulation of revolving-door lobbyism in Denmark is discussed.

Svingdørslobbyisme vokser i Danmark, uden at det har medført ny lovgivning. I flere lande, som Danmark normalt sammenligner sig med, har en lignende udvikling fundet sted og ført til ny lovgivning. Lovgivningen begrundes af især to overordnede hensyn: hensynet til den generelle tillid til det politiske system og hensynet til beskyttelse af statens økonomiske interesser. Artiklen beskriver fremvæksten af svingdørslobbyisme i Norden og Tyskland. Herefter analyserer artiklen nyere lovgivning om regulering af svingdørslobbyisme i Norge, Sverige og Tyskland. Det konkluderes, at hensynet til såvel økonomi som tillid fremgår af den nyere lovgivning i alle tre lande, men også at reguleringen kun indeholder svage sanktioner i tilfælde af regelbrud. På denne baggrund diskuteres regulering af svingdørslobbyisme i Danmark.

The revolving door between politics and lobbyism is growing in Denmark without this leading to any new legislation. In several countries, with which Denmark usually compares, similar developments have led to new legislation. The legislation is justified by two general considerations: protection of public trust in the political system and protection of the economic interest of the state. The article describes the rise of revolving-door lobbyism in the Nordic countries and Germany and analyzes recent legislation regulating the revolving door. It is concluded that both public trust and the economic interest of the state are mentioned as arguments for regulation. Against this backdrop, regulation of revolving-door lobbyism in Denmark is discussed.

Though think tanks have a long history internationally, they have especially in recent years come to play an increasingly important role in both policy-formulation and public debate. In this article, we analyse the growing presence of think tanks in a Danish context during the 2000s and the first half of the 2010s, because in this national setting think tanks are still a relatively new phenomenon. Based on theories of mediatization and de-corporatization, we present 1) an analysis of the visibility of selected Danish think tanks in the media and 2) an analysis of their political networks outside the media. The study shows that the two largest and oldest think tanks in Denmark, the liberal think tank CEPOS and the social democratic think tank ECLM, are very active and observable in the media; that the media's distribution of attention to these think tanks, to some extent, confirms a re-politicization of Danish newspapers; but also that the news media as an arena of influence is only one part of the equation, since some of the corporatist political networks are still intact and working outside the media ; Though think tanks have a long history internationally, they have especially in recent years come to play an increasingly important role in both policy-formulation and public debate. In this article, we analyse the growing presence of think tanks in a Danish context during the 2000s and the first half of the 2010s, because in this national setting think tanks are still a relatively new phenomenon. Based on theories of mediatization and de-corporatization, we present 1) an analysis of the visibility of selected Danish think tanks in the media and 2) an analysis of their political networks outside the media. The study shows that the two largest and oldest think tanks in Denmark, the liberal think tank CEPOS and the social democratic think tank ECLM, are very active and observable in the media; that the media's distribution of attention to these think tanks, to some extent, confirms a re-politicization of Danish ...

In this chapter, we point to some of the changes and continuities that have characterised the interplay between news media and politics in Denmark during the last two decades. The chapter has three main focus areas: first, we present key institutions and players within the Danish political and media systems; second, we point to some of the theoretical approaches that have dominated political communication research in Denmark since the early 2000s, among them institutional and sociological perspectives; and third, we conclude by suggesting some of the differences between political communication in Denmark, as both practice and research field, compared to the other Nordic countries. We aim to balance the chapter between a media studies approach and a political science approach to political communication, but, contrary to much other Danish political communication research, the chapter especially takes its point of departure in the former.

While the number of think tanks in Denmark has increased considerably in recent decades, our knowledge about their visibility in political arenas is limited. The article explores how and why the mentions of private and public think tanks in the parliamentary and media arenas has developed from 2005 to 2018. Building on insights from previous studies of think tanks, publicly funded think tanks are expected to achieve more parliamentary mentions than private think tanks because they are expected to be more heavily influenced by institutionalized norms to target inside actors through parliament. By contrast, privately funded think tanks are expected to achieve more media mentions than public think tanks, because they are policymaking outsiders and emphasize public advocacy over direct influence. Although publicly funded think tanks have been more visible in the parliamentary arena than private think tanks, their visibility has declined. Private think tanks are more visible than public think tanks, but media visibility for privately funded think tanks also drops towards the end of the period. The article concludes that public or private funding cannot fully explain changes in think tank visibility in the two arenas over time. Instead media and parliamentary mentions are driven by a handful of think tanks while most think tanks struggle to achieve and maintain parliamentary and media visibility over time.

In this chapter, we point to some of the changes and continuities that have char-acterised the interplay between news media and politics in Denmark during the last two decades. The chapter has three main focus areas: first, we present key institutions and players within the Danish political and media systems; second, we point to some of the theoretical approaches that have dominated political com-munication research in Denmark since the early 2000s, among them institutional and sociological perspectives; and third, we conclude by suggesting some of the differences between political communication in Denmark, as both practice and research field, compared to the other Nordic countries. We aim to balance the chapter between a media studies approach and a political science approach to political communication, but, contrary to much other Danish political communi-cation research, the chapter especially takes its point of departure in the former. ; In this chapter, we point to some of the changes and continuities that have char-acterised the interplay between news media and politics in Denmark during the last two decades. The chapter has three main focus areas: first, we present key institutions and players within the Danish political and media systems; second, we point to some of the theoretical approaches that have dominated political com-munication research in Denmark since the early 2000s, among them institutional and sociological perspectives; and third, we conclude by suggesting some of the differences between political communication in Denmark, as both practice and research field, compared to the other Nordic countries. We aim to balance the chapter between a media studies approach and a political science approach to political communication, but, contrary to much other Danish political communi-cation research, the chapter especially takes its point of departure in the former.

This article presents a study on special ministerial advisers examining their careers beyond their role in the machinery of government. Applying a theoretical framework derived from the literature on the sociology of work and the transformation of the organization of politics in the Nordic welfare states, we make two theoretical points. First, special advisers are part of an emerging group of partisan policy professionals, and second, the characteristics of this group are best analyzed through the lens of the boundaryless career. By combining these two positions, we contribute to studies on special advisers by offering a longer career perspective, and we contribute to studies on the boundaryless career by analyzing a job market other than the dot-com and cultural industries. Mapping the entire career paths of all Danish special ministerial advisers from 2000 to 2017 ( n = 144), we show that the position of special adviser serves as a stepping-stone to a new labor market that typically culminates with a position in private public relations. This conclusion lends fresh support to concerns about the privatization of politics changing policy formation in the Nordic welfare states.

Debatten om politikere der forlader Folketinget for derefter at få job som lobbyister, i interessereorganisationer eller hos private virksomheder har været på dagsordenen siden 1980'erne. Begrebet 'svingdøren', der er lånt fra amerikanske studier, hentyder til, at et stigende antal politikere, skulle benytte sig af en sådan svingdør mellem 'offentligt' politik og især 'privat' lobbyisme. Studier i Sverige peger dog på et noget andet billede med en relativt begrænset trafik mellem politik og lobbyisme (Selling, 2015). Samme studier peger på, at en mulig årsag til den begrænsede svingdørseffekt kan skyldes, at svenske politikere ikke har tilstrækkeligt med uddannelses bag sig til at være interessante for lobbyvirksomheder, interesseorganisationer eller private virksomheder. Denne artikel undersøger svingdørsfænomenet i Danmark. Først fokuseres på det generelle uddannelsesniveau blandt danske politikere, der er blevet valgt til Folketinget i perioden 1981 til frem til valget i 2015. Dernæst fokuseres på de politikere, der i samme periode har forladt Folketinget med henblik på at afdække, hvor disse politikere siden har opnået beskæftigelse. Artiklen viser, at der i perioden fra 1981 til 2015 er et stigende uddannelsesniveau blandt de politikere, der opnå valg til Folketinget. Samtidig viser analysen, at kun en begrænset mængde af politikere, der forlader Folketinget siden får arbejde som lobbyister. Skønt tallet kun er begrænset er det dog steget fra midten af 1990erne og frem til i dag. ; The growth of PR in Scandinavia is linked both to the mediatization of politics and to the decline of corporatism. Studies in Sweden and Norway suggest that one consequence of these changes is the increasing number of politicians who find new careers as lobbyists in the private sector. In this study, we have constructed a data set of all members of the Danish Parliament who have left politics from 1981 to 2015 (n= 613) and identified the number and type of job positions they have taken up subsequently (n= 1094). We find that especially from the 1990s we can register revolving door activity. Still, 89 percent of all the registered job positions fall outside of lobbyism. 11 percent of the job positions fall within the wider field associated with the emerging field of policy professionals (including lobbyism), while lobbyism on its own accounts for 2 percent of the job positions.