Suchergebnisse

Predmet doktorske disertacije je problem konstituisanja političkog tela u demokratskim teorijama. Ovaj se problem u savremenoj analitičkoj političkoj teoriji uobičajeno razmatra kao problem ograničenja demosa, odnosno pitanje kako je moguće demokratski ograničiti demos, dok se u kontinentalnoj političkoj teoriji pre razmatra kao pitanje konstituisanja demosa odnosno kao jedan od paradoksa politike i demokratije. Metodološki se rad priklanja drugom načinu razmatranja ovog pitanja. Zastupam stanovište da je demokratsko konstituisanje demosa logički nerešiv problem te da, umesto pokušaja da se on trajno reši, treba razotkriti paradokse utemeljivačkih priča i hronični nedostatak legitimnosti na ma koji način ograničenog političkog tela. Produktivnije je misliti o načinima da se početne nepravde prema isključenima isprave ili ublaže i da se sastav političkog tela (demosa) naknadno legitimiše demokratskim rekonstituisanjem. Tvrdi se da se političko telo može demokratski rekonstituisati putem ne samo izvanrednih već i svakodnevnih političkih momenata tokom kojih se pregovaraju i osporavaju veze između narodnog suvereniteta i ljudskih prava. Takve situacije osporavanja i pregovaranja su one kada se obnavlja članstvo starim članovima ili priznaje članstvo novim članovima, o čemu se obično misli kao o kompozicionoj dimenziji demosa koja odgovara na pitanje ko je pasivni član, odnosno gde su spoljašnje granice političkog tela. Postoje takođe i situacije redefinisanja političkog identiteta i pokretanja kolektivne akcije što je način da se razmotri performativna dimenzija demosa odnosno unutrašnje granice političkog tela - ko može biti aktivni član i koliki je jaz između demosa i političkog tela. Performativna dimenzija demosa fokusira se na načine na koje demos zahteva priznanje da je demos i istovremeno proizvodi, otelotvoruje sebe, kao političko telo u nastajanju. ; The topic of this doctoral dissertation is the problem of constitution of the body politic in democratic theories. In contemporary analytic political theory this problem has been most commonly dealt with as the boundary problem that asks how to delimit the demos democratically, but in continental political theory it is rather considered as an issue of constitution of the demos and as one of the political and democratic paradoxes. This study has embraced the second methodological approach in tackling this issue. I contend that the original constitution of the demos by democratic means is logically impossible so instead of a quest for a permanent solution of this problem, the paradoxes of the stories of founding as well as chronic legitimacy deficit of any bounded bodies politic should be exposed. It is more productive to rethink the ways to remedy or mitigate the initial injustices committed toward the excluded from the demos and to legitimize the recomposition of the body politic (demos) via subsequent democratic reconstitution. It is argued that political body can be democratically reconstituted not just during extraordinary but also during ordinary, everyday political moments, when relations between popular sovereignty and human rights are negotiated and contested. The opportunities for these contestations and negotiations are situations of restoration of membership for the old members and recognition of membership to the new members, usually understood as situations addressing the compositional dimension of demos that responds to the question who is the passive member, and where should the external boundaries of the demos be drawn. But there are also situations when political identity can be redefined, especially when collective action is initiated, opportunities when performative dimension of the demos is activated, and which informs us about struggles concerning the internal boundaries of the demos - who can be an active member and how deep is the gap between the demos and the body politic. Performative account of the demos focus on the ways in which the demos demands recognition as the demos and at the same time enacts itself as an emerging body politic.

In today's business conditions, the internationalisation of business becomes an almost inevitable precondition for future growth and development of organisations. However, internationalisation of business usually requires organisations to implement some changes in the way they operated in the previous period. One of the areas that require some changes is the area of human resource management, too. Factors which require modifications in this system are related primarily to the legal regulations of other countries, but also to the characteristics of their national culture. The former influence comes from the fact that national culture exerts a powerful influence on the system of values, attitudes and behaviour of people in a particular country and, among the other things, on the preferences for policies and procedures in the field of human resources management. Starting from the above, this paper analyses the impact of certain dimensions of national culture on the preferred content of human resources management in organisations in certain countries. The aim of the paper is to provide the theoretical basis for organisations that internationalised their business, or intend to do so, to create system of human resource management in the entities abroad which, at least, will represent the balance between the system that is applied at headquarter and one that is preferred in entities abroad, in order to be effective.

The topic of this doctoral dissertation is the problem of constitution of the body politic in democratic theories. In contemporary analytic political theory this problem has been most commonly dealt with as the boundary problem that asks how to delimit the demos democratically, but in continental political theory it is rather considered as an issue of constitution of the demos and as one of the political and democratic paradoxes. This study has embraced the second methodological approach in tackling this issue. I contend that the original constitution of the demos by democratic means is logically impossible so instead of a quest for a permanent solution of this problem, the paradoxes of the stories of founding as well as chronic legitimacy deficit of any bounded bodies politic should be exposed. It is more productive to rethink the ways to remedy or mitigate the initial injustices committed toward the excluded from the demos and to legitimize the recomposition of the body politic (demos) via subsequent democratic reconstitution. It is argued that political body can be democratically reconstituted not just during extraordinary but also during ordinary, everyday political moments, when relations between popular sovereignty and human rights are negotiated and contested. The opportunities for these contestations and negotiations are situations of restoration of membership for the old members and recognition of membership to the new members, usually understood as situations addressing the compositional dimension of demos that responds to the question who is the passive member, and where should the external boundaries of the demos be drawn. But there are also situations when political identity can be redefined, especially when collective action is initiated, opportunities when performative dimension of the demos is activated, and which informs us about struggles concerning the internal boundaries of the demos - who can be an active member and how deep is the gap between the demos and the body politic. Performative account of the demos focus on the ways in which the demos demands recognition as the demos and at the same time enacts itself as an emerging body politic. ; Predmet doktorske disertacije je problem konstituisanja političkog tela u demokratskim teorijama. Ovaj se problem u savremenoj analitičkoj političkoj teoriji uobičajeno razmatra kao problem ograničenja demosa, odnosno pitanje kako je moguće demokratski ograničiti demos, dok se u kontinentalnoj političkoj teoriji pre razmatra kao pitanje konstituisanja demosa odnosno kao jedan od paradoksa politike i demokratije. Metodološki se rad priklanja drugom načinu razmatranja ovog pitanja. Zastupam stanovište da je demokratsko konstituisanje demosa logički nerešiv problem te da, umesto pokušaja da se on trajno reši, treba razotkriti paradokse utemeljivačkih priča i hronični nedostatak legitimnosti na ma koji način ograničenog političkog tela. Produktivnije je misliti o načinima da se početne nepravde prema isključenima isprave ili ublaže i da se sastav političkog tela (demosa) naknadno legitimiše demokratskim rekonstituisanjem. Tvrdi se da se političko telo može demokratski rekonstituisati putem ne samo izvanrednih već i svakodnevnih političkih momenata tokom kojih se pregovaraju i osporavaju veze između narodnog suvereniteta i ljudskih prava. Takve situacije osporavanja i pregovaranja su one kada se obnavlja članstvo starim članovima ili priznaje članstvo novim članovima, o čemu se obično misli kao o kompozicionoj dimenziji demosa koja odgovara na pitanje ko je pasivni član, odnosno gde su spoljašnje granice političkog tela. Postoje takođe i situacije redefinisanja političkog identiteta i pokretanja kolektivne akcije što je način da se razmotri performativna dimenzija demosa odnosno unutrašnje granice političkog tela - ko može biti aktivni član i koliki je jaz između demosa i političkog tela. Performativna dimenzija demosa fokusira se na načine na koje demos zahteva priznanje da je demos i istovremeno proizvodi, otelotvoruje sebe, kao političko telo u nastajanju.

In this paper I want to compare rare theoretical justifications of border walls with discourses on boundaries and walls by Central and Eastern European political actors in dealing with refugee crisis in 2015. I analyze three such discourses: consequentiality, discourse of responsibility for fair distribution of cosmopolitan duties, and nationalistic discourse. This comparison allows me to question applicability of Wendy Brown's argument that the states with waning sovereignty display symbols of force in building border walls aimed at defending fragile egos built around national and religious identities. Finally, I want to elucidate what type of political subjectivity is produced and legitimated by these acts of fortification within and around CEE 'walled' states. ; U ovom članku želim da uporedim retka teorijska tumačenja i opravdanja zidova na granicama sa diskursima o granicama i zidovima centralnoevropskih i istočnoevropskih političkih aktera koji se tiču izbegličke krize iz 2015. godine. Analiziram tri diskursa: konsekvencijalistički, diskurs odgovornosti za pravednu raspodelu kosmopolitskih dužnosti i nacionalistički diskurs. To poređenje treba da mi pomogne u preispitivanju primenjivosti argumenta Vendi Braun da države čiji su suvereniteti na izmaku pokazuju simbole moći i snage izgradnjom zidova koji treba da odbrane njihov krhki ego sagrađen oko nacionalnog ili religijskog identiteta. Najzad, želim da ocrtam političke subjektivitete koji bivaju proizvedeni i legitimisani činovima fortifikacije unutar i izvan zazidanih zemalja Centralne i Istočne Evrope.

In this article I argue that there are grounds for considering agonistic democracy and participatory democracy complementarity in order to institutionalize agonism which has thus far lacked an elaborate articulation of its institutional dimension. The two democratic theories share a commitment toward widening the scope of the political as a way of inclusion of citizens and their subsequent political subjectivation and empowerment. Furthermore, there are authors on both sides who think democracy does not need foundations. Agonistic participation and contestation, on the one hand, and the broadening and strengthening of various sectors of political participation, on the other, both open up new possibilities for critique and change, but also create new risks. Building on a redefinition of agonisitic participation, I aim to attenuate an objection that agonism is normatively weak in terms of lacking resources to motivate citizens and justify their critique of practices of domination and oppression. The article concludes that we need to embrace agonistic participation as a means towards the development of democratic political judgement, as there are no other guarantees, i.e. secure foundations, for our ability to distinguish between democratic and non-democratic agon. ; U članku se tvrdi da postoje osnovi komplementarnosti agonističke demokratije i participativne demokratije u pogledu mogućnosti institucionalizacije agonizma koji dosad nije imao razrađenu institucionalnu dimenziju. Dve demokratske teorije dele težnju za širenjem političkog kao načina uključivanja građana i njihove političke subjektivizacije i osnaživanja. Takođe, ima autora na obe strane koji dele shvatanje da demokratiji nisu potrebni temelji. Agonističkom participacijom kao osporavanjem, s jedne strane, i širenjem i jačanjem različitih oblasti političke participacije, s druge, otvaraju se mogućnosti za kritiku i promenu, ali se prostor otvara i za rizike. Oslanjajući se na redefinisanu agonističku participaciju, želim da ublažim prigovor da agonizam nema normativnu snagu u smislu neposedovanja resursa za motivisanje građana i opravdanje njihove kritike praksi dominacije i ugnjetavanja. Zaključak je da je potrebno prihvatiti agonističku participaciju kao sredstvo razvijanja demokratskog političkog rasuđivanja jer nema drugih garancija, tj. nema sigurnosti temelja, koji bi nam omogućili da razlikujemo demokratski od nedemokratskog agona.

Globalization proved to be a strong challenge to sovereignty but the state still does not waive its competences in the field of immigration control. This essay aims to present early works of political theoreticians in the field of ethics of immigration - most of all Michael Waltzer who speaks in favour of collective right of states to control the entry of people and Joseph Carens who defends the open borders principle. Even without challenging the general right of state to immigration control, one can speak about moral obligation of admitting certain categories of non-citizens which liberal-democratic states should meet. On the other hand, no strategy of membership control can be consistent with central liberal principles according to which every person have equal moral value. At the end, the essay considers potential world of migration without borders and some of positive implications of such scenario. . ; Globalizacija se pokazala kao jak izazov suverenitetu, ali država još uvek ne daje svoje ingerencije u oblasti kontrole imigracije. Ovaj esej ima za cilj predstavljanje prvih radova političkih teoretičara u oblasti etike imigracije - ponajviše Majka Volcera, koji govori u prilog kolektivnog prava država da kontrolišu ulazak ljudi, i Džozefa Karensa, koji brani princip otvorenih granica. Čak i bez dovođenja u pitanje generalnog prava države na kontrolu imigracije može se govoriti o moralnoj obavezi primanja određenih kategorija nedržavljana koju bi trebalo da ispune liberalno-demokratske države. S druge strane, nijedna strategija kontrole članstva ne može biti konzistentna sa centralnim liberalnim principima po kojima svaka osoba ima jednaku moralnu vrednost. Na kraju, u eseju se razmatra potencijalni svet migracija bez granica i neke od pozitivnih implikacija jednog takvog scenarija. .

A worrying trend of autocratization that has been spreading globally in recent years, has thrust forward a new wave of appeals for deliberative and participatory democracy as a remedy for the crisis. With a few exceptions, the majority of participatory and deliberative institutions were implemented in stable democracies. The efforts to institutionalize participatory and deliberative models are almost completely absent in Serbia and other Western Balkan countries. Yet, there has been a trend of citizen mobilization in the form of social movements and local civic initiatives, which are both a symptom of unresponsive and quite openly authoritarian institutions, as well as a potential pathway to democratization. The pace and scope of these developments in the undemocratic societies of the Western Balkan region, in terms of both bottom up and top-down democratic experimentation, call for a better understanding of their internal dynamics, and their social and political impact. Responding to this need, the articles in the special issue focus on social movement mobilizations and deliberative experimentation. To begin with, our introductory article focuses particularly on understanding the possible role deliberative institutions could have in hybrid regimes. It looks at the first two cases of deliberative mini publics (DMPs) ever organized in Serbia, analyzing their rationale, specific design, implementation, as well as considering the possible role deliberative institutions could play in the hybrid regime of Serbia. ; Zabrinjavajući trend autokratizacije koja se širi svetom poslednjih godina je pokrenuo novi talas poziva na deliberativnu i participativnu demokratiju kao lek za krizu. Uz nekoliko izuzetaka, većina participativnih i deliberativnih institucija je uspostavljana i sprovođena u stabilnim demokratijama. Napori da se participativni i deliberativni modeli institucionalizuju skoro u potpunosti izostaju u Srbiji i drugim zemljama Zapadnog Balkana. Ipak, ono što je prisutno je mobilizacija građana u okviru društvenih pokreta i lokalnih građanskih inicijativa, koja je istovremeno simptom neodgovornih i sve očiglednije autoritarnih institucija, kao i potencijalni put ka demokratizaciji. Tempo i obim ovakvog razvoja demokratskih eksperimenata, kako onih odozdo nagore tako i onih odozgo nadole, u nedemokratskim društvima regiona Zapadnog Balkana, zahtevaju bolje razumevanje njihove unutrašnje dinamike i njihovog društvenog i političkog uticaja. Kao odgovor na ovu potrebu, članci u ovom tematu stavljaju naglasak na mobilizaciju društvenih pokreta i deliberativno eksperimentisanje. Na samom početku, naš uvodni članak se posebno fokusira na razumevanje moguće uloge koju bi deliberativne institucije mogle da imaju u hibridnim režimima. Razmatraju se prva dva slučaja deliberativnih mini javnosti (DMJ) ikada organizovanih u Srbiji, uz analizu obrazloženja, specifičnog dizajna, sprovođenja DMJ, kao i sagledavanje moguće uloge koju bi deliberativne institucije mogle da imaju u hibridnom režimu Srbije.

An ethical dilemma is a situation of making a choice between two or more alternatives. An agent is in unpleasant and difficult situation because he/she often needs to make a choice between ethical and unethical alternatives, and when it comes to the ethical alternatives, he/she should choose the best one. Selection reflects to a large number of principals, so this situation causes conflicts between different levels of ethical dilemmas, but also the conflicts within the same level. These conflicts can be solved by applying the hierarchy and priority rules which are incorporated in the procedure and, in particular,in the strategy for solving the ethical dilemmas. Through many case studies this paper points out the importance of an ethical dilemma in making business decisions, the so-called business ethical dilemma. It is the result of the incompatibilities between altruism, egoism and the common good. Neglecting the need for establishing the compatibility not only creates an ethical dilemma, but it becomes deeper, which is firstly manifested through the loss of reputation of the company, then through decreasing the financial results, and, in the worst case, in closing the company. Therefore, an ethical dilemma must be continuously managed.

Abstract
This paper examines the relationship between socio-demographic variables and job satisfaction in the Republic of Croatia. Job satisfaction is a critical factor affecting employee well-being and organizational performance. Understanding the socio-demographic variables that influence job satisfaction is crucial for formulating effective human resource strategies and activities to improve the overall job satisfaction level of employees. This study utilizes a quantitative research design, collecting data from a sample frame of employees across various industries and sectors in the Republic of Croatia. Socio-demographic variables such as age, gender and hierarchy level are analysed relating to job satisfaction by applying t-test and one-way ANOVA analysis. The analysis conducted on the sample of 284 employees showed that respondents' job satisfaction differed in terms of age and hierarchy level. Specifically, younger workers are happier with their jobs than older and senior management compared to workers. These findings contribute to the existing literature by providing insights into the unique socio-demographic factors influencing job satisfaction in the Republic of Croatia. The results can guide organizations in developing targeted strategies to enhance employee satisfaction, such as tailored training programs, flexible work arrangements, and career development opportunities.

During time, women's participation in the labour markets all over the world has increased. However, gender differences in the level of employment still exist, especially in underdeveloped and developing countries. Since empirical evidence shows that a higher degree of women's employment has many positive effects on the economy, it is of great importance for such countries' governments to create mechanisms for increasing it. These mechanisms are especially important for the Republic of Serbia, since women's employment is still lagging behind men's employment. On the interregional level, the gender discrepancies in employment are even larger, which slows down the development of the country as a whole. In order to create effective strategies and mechanisms which will increase the degree of women's employment in such regions, it is of great importance to discover which factors currently determine whether women will be employed or not. Since the problem of women's unemployment is particularly noticeable in the Region of Southern and Eastern Serbia, this paper aims to provide an analysis of the basic factors of women's employment in this region, so as to raise awareness about these factors and shed light on possible employment policies that could be designed accordingly. These policies are expected to enhance the economic development of this region and the country as a whole. For this purpose, primary research was conducted on a sample of 678 women. The results of the study indicate that age, educational attainment, household income, place of residence, and having children ages 7 through 18 represent significant factors that determine women's employment.