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In this article author analyzed, on one side, important theoretical determinants of basic categories by which ontological integrity of the Orthodox religion has been based and contained of, in comparison with other religions. On the other side, the author analyzed important theoretical determinants of the basic categories of ontological integrity of the Orthodox religion with basic principles and contents of neo-liberal economic politics. In the context, the Orthodox religion, not even by its one single value or principle, is not signifi cantly contrastive to authentic values of liberalism, universal humanism, development, active attitude and love toward life, and to overall progress, in material and economic sense. Thereby, it is possible to consider that individualism within the Orthodoxy is not in contrast with democratic principles of neo-liberalism (accumulation of the wealth of nations, emancipation of poverty, etc.) The Orthodox individualism is against global political power, which has been imposed by economic centers of the world power in the name of neo-liberalism.

This paper determines, through the analysis of political institutions, as well as analysis of the key moments of the modern Turkish history, the main characteristics of the political system of Turkey. Also, the authors analyze the role of the military in the establishment and maintenance of the secular society, and try to illuminate the essence of the current Islamist shift in Turkish politics. The paper first gives a historical overview of Ataturk's reforms and the emergence of the Turkish republic, followed by review of basic characteristic of its political institutions. Then the authors analyze the past and present role of the military in Turkish political life, as well as reform shift after the victory of Islamists on parliamentary elections in 2002. The final part of the paper raises the question of whether the current policies of the ruling AK party leads to ? greater democratization of society, its Islamization, or domination of one party over the entire political system?

Different variations of Islam, Shia and Wahabi, played a key role in shaping the political systems of Saudi Arabia and Iran. On the example of Saudi Arabia we may see that the institutions of this authoritarian system w?re established under the crucial influence of Wahhabism. By adopting the Wahhabism as the royal family ideology, Al Saud's absolute monarchy was strengthened with religious legitimacy. Today, Wahhabism remains the major determinant of the political processes in Saudi monarchy. That can be seen best through the powers given to the clerical circles in various areas of social life, and also by the fact that the state legal system is based exclusively on the fundamentalist interpretation of Islamic religious law. On the other hand, Islamic Republic of Iran owes its current political system to centuries long tradition of Shia imamate, which, along with a brief but strong tradition of parliamentary government, formed the precondition for a unique and highly complex political system. Uniqueness and complexity of the Iranian political system is a direct consequence of inability to achieve the highest religious imperative, the rule of Mahdi (righteous messiah), which led to the creation of "The Next Best Thing" alternative - the Islamic republic as Velayat- e faqih. It is important to notice the qualitatively different manner in which Islam has been incorporated into these political systems. Although considered to be a fundamentalist Islamic order, in which sharia law is most consistently respected and implemented, Saudi Arabia, however, is a monarchy in which the absolute power is still in the hands of secular ruler. Right to pass legislation in the form of royal decrees confirmes that, regardless of his religious title, the government of Saudi king is essentially secular. Therefore Wahhabism, although it's undoubtedly the foundation of the Saudi state, in political life of the kingdom serves primarily as a pillar of the monarchy. Islamic Republic of Iran, based on the values of the Islamic Revolution, links its political dynamics to the institutionalization of clerical positions in government structures (Fagih, the Guardian Council, the Council of Experts), and therefore we can conclude that synthesis of Shia Islam and the politics in Iran is fully achieved.

Conspiracy mentality is a general tendency to attribute significant events to the actions of malevolent actors, without referencing to a specific event. In two independent representative surveys of adult Serbian citizens (N1 = 1194; N2 = 1258) we validated Serbian version of the conspiracy mentality questionnaire (CMQ), a reasonably content-free tool designed to capture global conspiratorial beliefs. We successfully validated the adapted CMQ and replicated findings on two national representative samples. In both studies the results demonstrated: good psychometric properties of the CMQ and its predictive capacity for endorsing the international Conspiracy Theories (CTs) (Study 1) and the locally specific CTs (Study 2) over and above the measures of perceptions of political climate (trust in institutions, corruption perception, feeling of insecurity – Study 1), and generalized political attitudes (right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, political cynicism – Study 2). The study presents a unique adaptation and implementation of the CMQ in the non-English speaking country with very active and widespread conspiracy beliefs and a long history of conflicts. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion

Conspiracy mentality is a general tendency to attribute significant events to the actions of malevolent actors, without referencing to a specific event. In two independent representative surveys of adult Serbian citizens (N1 = 1194; N2 = 1258) we validated Serbian version of the conspiracy mentality questionnaire (CMQ), a reasonably content-free tool designed to capture global conspiratorial beliefs. We successfully validated the adapted CMQ and replicated findings on two national representative samples. In both studies the results demonstrated: good psychometric properties of the CMQ and its predictive capacity for endorsing the international Conspiracy Theories (CTs) (Study 1) and the locally specific CTs (Study 2) over and above the measures of perceptions of political climate (trust in institutions, corruption perception, feeling of insecurity – Study 1), and generalized political attitudes (right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, political cynicism – Study 2). The study presents a unique adaptation and implementation of the CMQ in the non-English speaking country with very active and widespread conspiracy beliefs and a long history of conflicts.