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The COVID-19 pandemic caused not only substantial turmoil in the international environment, both politically and economically, but it also inspired new forms of diplomatic conduct. Since 2020 we could observe new forms of health diplomacy, which is already well-established among theoretical concept. While counteracting the harmful effects of the pandemic was the primary goal of most of the initiatives, it soon became apparent that health diplomacy can be perceived by many as a political tool, supporting foreign policies and strategic goals. This research aims to investigate International Olympic Committee as a non-state diplomatic actor and its efforts related to the COVID-19 pandemic that can be classified as public diplomacy and, more specifically, health diplomacy. The main research question refers to the character of diplomatic conduct, more specifically, whether it can be related to traditional health diplomacy focused on addressing health challenges or also to public diplomacy, aimed at reaching own goals.

There are many influential studies relating to the phenomenon of "good governance" in legal, economic or political dimensions. The major purpose of this paper is to present an interdisciplinary approach that attempts to integrate legal, economic, and political fields to analyse the indicated concept. This article aims at illustrating the interactions and interdependences between "good governance" and the school of law and economics, especially within the European Integration process, founded on the said principles. Apart from legal and economic issues, the indicated areas form a specifi c fi eld of politics which should be perceived through the prism of political science. The economic approach requires focusing attention on the process of profi t maximisation, however, one should not ignore the element of classical political disputes. The hypothesis of this article is the following statement: the decomposition of the liberal idea of law and economy may translate into a downturn of the European supranational structures, leading to the modifi cation of institutions relying on the principles of "good governance".

In turbulent times of the COVID-19 pandemic, there are many challenges to a country's international reputation. During the pandemic, Sweden, especially in its first stage, was frequently presented by international media outlets, sometimes negatively. Such adverse reporting may have imposed some reputational threats on Sweden. This research aims to investigate Swedish communication through a short-term perspective of public diplomacy (its day-to-day dimension) with the foreign public during the COVID-19 pandemic. The research was based on qualitative content analysis of official statements made by the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs, the Swedish Institute's Instagram account, and interviews with the Swedish Institute employees. The main argument of this research is that in Sweden, day-to-day communication within PD served as a tool supporting the crisis management process. The research question refers to whether Sweden, through the activity of the Swedish Institute, used some elements of its public diplomacy conduct to react to the coronavirus pandemic. The hypothesis states that the day-to-day dimension of public diplomacy can be associated with the crisis management process.

The People's Republic of China is one of the states focusing intensively on building its soft power and shaping its international image. However, China's image is still negative and primarily based on stereotypes. In recent years, this country is willing to change such perceptions and present itself as an efficient, intensively developing, capable country that is much more than just a global production plant. The article aims to review China's different manifestations of development aid regarding changing this type of public diplomacy and its meaning to the Chinese government. Is it only motivated by good intentions, or maybe its goal is to only provide an advantage to China? It is evident that owing to significant development, China needs to expand its economic contacts. However, the tested hypothesis states that behind Chinese development aid, political motivation is hidden as well. The research is based on content analysis of official documents and Foreign Ministry's statements referring to development aid.