One of the important research areas undertaken by political scientists remains the analysis of regime change processes or broadly understood studies on democratization. In addition, from the 1980s and 1990s, systematic research was also started into the situation or role of mass communication in transformational processes, so the purpose of these considerations will be to present and attempt to evaluate selected concepts and research approaches exploring the involvement of the media in the process of political transformation.
The Visegrad Group (V4) was formed with the aim to support Central European countries – Poland, Czechoslovakia (since 1993 the Czech Republic and Slovakia) and Hungary in their efforts to join NATO and the European Communities. V4 had to redefine its role and tasks after 2004 having achieved the set objectives in the first years of its existence. The new format of the Visegrad Group made provisions for a close cooperation between member states within the European Union. The strategy of combining potentials of the V4 states in negotiations on the EU level is based on reasonable assumptions, as it may lead to an increased significance of the region in the decision-making process. The article discusses the genesis and evolution of the V4 up to 2004. Next there is presented Visegrad cooperation in the field of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU. The text analysis specific issues projecting the safety of Europe in recent years. The analysis of the commitment of V4 in the shaping of the EU CFSP will be based on source materials, mainly on documents produced by the authorities of the Visegrad Group such as presidency programmes, statements, declarations and annual reports. ; The Visegrad Group (V4) was formed with the aim to support Central European countries – Poland, Czechoslovakia (since 1993 the Czech Republic and Slovakia) and Hungary in their efforts to join NATO and the European Communities. V4 had to redefine its role and tasks after 2004 having achieved the set objectives in the first years of its existence. The new format of the Visegrad Group made provisions for a close cooperation between member states within the European Union. The strategy of combining potentials of the V4 states in negotiations on the EU level is based on reasonable assumptions, as it may lead to an increased significance of the region in the decision-making process. The article discusses the genesis and evolution of the V4 up to 2004. Next there is presented Visegrad cooperation in the field of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU. The text analysis specific issues projecting the safety of Europe in recent years. The analysis of the commitment of V4 in the shaping of the EU CFSP will be based on source materials, mainly on documents produced by the authorities of the Visegrad Group such as presidency programmes, statements, declarations and annual reports.
The Visegrad Group (V4) was formed with the aim to support Central European countries – Poland, Czechoslovakia (since 1993 the Czech Republic and Slovakia) and Hungary in their efforts to join NATO and the European Communities. V4 had to redefine its role and tasks after 2004 having achieved the set objectives in the first years of its existence. The new format of the Visegrad Group made provisions for a close cooperation between member states within the European Union. The strategy of combining potentials of the V4 states in negotiations on the EU level is based on reasonable assumptions, as it may lead to an increased significance of the region in the decision-making process. The article discusses the genesis and evolution of the V4 up to 2004. Next there is presented Visegrad cooperation in the field of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU. The text analysis specific issues projecting the safety of Europe in recent years. The analysis of the commitment of V4 in the shaping of the EU CFSP will be based on source materials, mainly on documents produced by the authorities of the Visegrad Group such as presidency programmes, statements, declarations and annual reports. ; The Visegrad Group (V4) was formed with the aim to support Central European countries – Poland, Czechoslovakia (since 1993 the Czech Republic and Slovakia) and Hungary in their efforts to join NATO and the European Communities. V4 had to redefine its role and tasks after 2004 having achieved the set objectives in the first years of its existence. The new format of the Visegrad Group made provisions for a close cooperation between member states within the European Union. The strategy of combining potentials of the V4 states in negotiations on the EU level is based on reasonable assumptions, as it may lead to an increased significance of the region in the decision-making process. The article discusses the genesis and evolution of the V4 up to 2004. Next there is presented Visegrad cooperation in the field of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU. The text analysis specific issues projecting the safety of Europe in recent years. The analysis of the commitment of V4 in the shaping of the EU CFSP will be based on source materials, mainly on documents produced by the authorities of the Visegrad Group such as presidency programmes, statements, declarations and annual reports.
Rolą ośrodków eksperckich jest obiektywne przedstawianie sytuacji w różnych aspektach funkcjonowania państwa, w tym na arenie międzynarodowej, i tworzenie scenariuszy rozwoju sytuacji tak dla konkretnych przypadków, jak też generalizowanie. Partie polityczne, a co za tym idzie także decydenci polityczni, coraz częściej sięgają po wiedzę ekspertów. W tym miejscu rodzi się pytanie, kto stanowi zaplecze eksperckie dla partii i jaki jest wpływ, teoretycznie obiektywnych, ekspertów na politykę państwa. Punktem wyjścia dla podjętych rozważań jest opublikowany w styczniu 2015 r. raport Global Go to Think Tank Ranking Index (VII edycja), w którym w kategorii Bezpieczeństwo i Obrona Narodowa zabrakło polskich ośrodków. Czy to oznacza, że takie nie istnieją, czy może raczej ich dorobek nie kwalifikuje ich do tego prestiżowego rankingu. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie głównych polskich ośrodków eksperckich podejmujących w swych badaniach kwestie bezpieczeństwa oraz próba odpowiedzi na pytanie czy decydenci polityczni mają świadomość istnienia takich ośrodków i czy korzystają z ich usług. ; The role of expertise centres is to provide an objective presentation of the situation in various aspects of the functioning of the state, including the international arena, and to design different scenarios for specific cases, as well as developing general outlooks. Political parties, and thus also the policy-makers, are increasingly turning to the knowledge of experts. At this point a question arises of what this expert support for the parties consists of, and what is the impact of theoretically objective experts on state policy. The starting point for the considerations in this paper is a report published in January 2015 'Global Go To Think Tank Index Ranking' (7th edition), which does not mention any Polish centres in the category of 'National Security and Defence.' Does that mean that such centres do not exist in Poland, or maybe that their achievements do not qualify them for this prestigious ranking? The purpose of this paper is to present the main Polish expert centres which research security issues and to attempt to answer the question of whether policy-makers are aware of the existence of such think tanks and whether they use their services.
Rolą ośrodków eksperckich jest obiektywne przedstawianie sytuacji w różnych aspektach funkcjonowania państwa, w tym na arenie międzynarodowej, i tworzenie scenariuszy rozwoju sytuacji tak dla konkretnych przypadków, jak też generalizowanie. Partie polityczne, a co za tym idzie także decydenci polityczni, coraz częściej sięgają po wiedzę ekspertów. W tym miejscu rodzi się pytanie, kto stanowi zaplecze eksperckie dla partii i jaki jest wpływ, teoretycznie obiektywnych, ekspertów na politykę państwa. Punktem wyjścia dla podjętych rozważań jest opublikowany w styczniu 2015 r. raport Global Go to Think Tank Ranking Index (VII edycja), w którym w kategorii Bezpieczeństwo i Obrona Narodowa zabrakło polskich ośrodków. Czy to oznacza, że takie nie istnieją, czy może raczej ich dorobek nie kwalifikuje ich do tego prestiżowego rankingu. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie głównych polskich ośrodków eksperckich podejmujących w swych badaniach kwestie bezpieczeństwa oraz próba odpowiedzi na pytanie czy decydenci polityczni mają świadomość istnienia takich ośrodków i czy korzystają z ich usług. ; The role of expertise centres is to provide an objective presentation of the situation in various aspects of the functioning o f the state, including the international arena, and to design different scenarios for specific cases, as well as developing general outlooks. Political parties, and thus also the policy-makers, are increasingly turning to the knowledge of experts. At this point a question arises o f what this expert support for the parties consists of, and what is the impact o f theoretically objective experts on state policy. The starting point for the considerations in this paper is a report published in January 2015 'Global Go To Think Tank Index Ranking' (7th edition), which does not mention any Polish centres in the category of 'National Security and Defence.' Does that mean that such centres do not exist in Poland, or maybe that their achievements do not qualify them for this prestigious ranking? The purpose of this paper is to present the main Polish expert centres which research security issues and to attempt to answer the question of whether policy-makers are aware of the existence of such think tanks and whether they use their services.
The European debate on the refugee crisis and the related actions of the European Union has been an important part of the political communication undertaken by policy-makers in the EU countries. Thus, it seems essential to ask the question about the opinions of the most important Polish politicians regarding the causes and ways of managing the refugee crisis, but also about their stance regarding refugees coming from other cultures, and consequently whether they were in agreement on accepting refugees. Also, whether the opinions they expressed were likely to influence Polish society, and whether the problem of the refugee crisis was used for ad hoc political purposes, including in the election campaign.
