Suchergebnisse

W artykule została podjęta próba nakreślenia uwarunkowań kształtującego się współcześnie przyszłego systemu międzynarodowego. Istotnym elementem tego procesu stała się wywołana przez Rosję wojna w Ukrainie. Jednak obszarem strategicznym, który w sposób decydujący może zdeterminować kształt przyszłego porządku międzynarodowego, jest region Indo-Pacyfiku. Obecnie na świecie hegemonem i najsilniejszym (super)mocarstwem pozostają od czasu zakończenia zimnej wojny (1991 r.) Stany Zjednoczone. Mają one swoje żywotne interesy nie tylko na oceanach, ale i na terenie Eurazji, szczególnie w Europie. Tymczasem w Azji wyrasta Ameryce silny konkurent, jakim są Chiny. Zamierzają one podważyć amerykańską dominację na środkowo-wschodnim Pacyfiku. Autonomiczną potęgą, definiującą swoje interesy niezależnie od wpływów Zachodu i Chin, stają się z kolei Indie – najludniejszy kraj na świecie i aktywnie rozwijające się mocarstwo w basenie Oceanu Indyjskiego. Natomiast gasnącą potęgą jawi się Rosja, słabnąca w rezultacie nie tylko wojny w Ukrainie. Tak więc współcześnie można obserwować postępujący ze zmienną dynamiką proces policentryzacji systemu międzynarodowego.

This article is dedicated to the memory of Professor Andrzej Walicki, who died in August 2020 – an outstanding Polish historian of ideas and Russian scholar. It is an attempt to summarize the enormous scientific achievements of a representative of the Warsaw school of the history of ideas. His scientific activity has gained wide recognition in the West, being an prominent Polish contribution to world Russian studies. The subject of the scientist's research were Russia, Poland and Marxism. Andrzej Walicki explained to a wide audience in the West, Poland and Russia issues related to the formation of Russian ideas and philosophy, the development of various ideologies in Russia: imperialism, Marxism, liberalism, or the shaping of the platform and the main problematic network of intellectual relations between Poland and Russia. He also researched Polish thought in response to the Russian question, and tried to participate in debates on Polish-Russian relations after the fall of communism and the collapse of the USSR. He devoted much attention to the reception of Marxism in Russia – to what extent it was an ideological import from the West, and to what extent it was based on the native ideological and religious tradition. In the context of Russia's strong utopian predispositions, Andrzej Walicki showed Marxism as a utopia that transformed Russia into its tragic testing ground and whose goals turned out to be unattainable. As a result, his led to the collapse of the moral legitimacy of the communist system and became the fundamental premise for the disintegration of the Soviet empire.

The purpose of this article is to outline the geopolitical concepts of Aleksandr Dugin, the guru of Russian Eurasian geopolitics as a total ideology. After the collapse of the USSR, there was a rapid renaissance of geopolitics in Russia, which was an ideological attempt to rationalise the role and place of the post-Soviet Russian state in the post-Cold War international system. The dynamic development of geopolitics in Russia was also a way for the Russians to overcome the post-imperial trauma and the post-Soviet identity crisis. Geopolitics was to define the global aspirations and goals of the Russian Federation, being the quintessence of postmodern Russian messianism and setting a new historical mission for this state. One of several geopolitical trends in Russia was neo-Eurasianism, whose main ideologist was Aleksandr Dugin. The Russian geopolitician has proceeded to formulate a total ideology based on geopolitics for Russia, which is to constitute an intellectually and conceptually attractive synthesis of all the universalist ideologies practised in this country throughout history. Dugin tries to integrate geopolitics with the metaphysics and philosophy of being, transforming it into a kind of ideocratic sacrum and ideological signpost for the contemporary Russian state.

In december 1991, the Soviet Union collapsed. This fact can be considered to be the most significant geopolitical event of the second half of the 20th century. As a result of the collapse of the USSR, fifteen union republics – the main units of the administrative-political and national division of the Soviet federation – gained state sovereignty and independence. One of the most important results of this process was the creation of Russia (Russian Federation), which declared itself and was recognized as the main successor of the Soviet empire. The young state faced many difficulties, which – at the level of internal policy – include carrying out socio-political-economic transformation, overcoming the deep structural crisis inherited from the late USSR, or building modern durable democratic institutions and democratic political culture. This meant that the new Russian elites needed to make a radical system change and to develop new political mechanisms in the management of this enormous country. The article will present the main problems faced by Russia and its establishment in the 1990s, with many turning points and breakthrough moments, specific to countries undergoing intensive and multifaceted post-communist transformation. Due to the importance and the role of Russia in the international system, the directions and tendencies of changes taking place in this country are particularly important, especially from the perspective of post-Soviet states and the countries of the former socialist block.

Celem artykułu jest analiza tendencji i motywacji rządzących elit politycznych Rosji w zakresie myślenia o współczesnych stosunkach międzynarodowych. Myślenie to warunkowane jest przede wszystkim przez czynniki geopolityczne. Klasa polityczna Rosji nie jest jedyną, która w postrzeganiu systemu międzynarodowego odwołuje się do geopolitycznych interpretacjach. Podobny sposób myślenia właściwy jest Stanom Zjednoczonym czy Chinom. Uznanie przez Stany Zjednoczone Południowo-wschodniej Azji i przylegającej przestrzeni Oceanu Spokojnego za istotny dla tego państwa obszar globalnej polityki jest potwierdzeniem tej tendencji. Jednakże w Rosji geopolityka staje się obszarem wiedzy, który został włączony do nowego mesjanizmu tego państwa, stając się jednym z kamieni węgielnych myślenia o jego historycznym przeznaczeniu. Geopolityka w Rosji stała się swoistą ideologią w warunkach ideologicznej próżni jaka się wytworzyła po upadku komunizmu. Nastąpiła ideologizacja geopolityki, która dla elit politycznych stała się narzędziem interpretacji otaczającego systemu międzynarodowego i myślenia w kategoriach stref wpływów. Stała się cechą kultury strategicznej Federacji Rosyjskiej.

In Poland after 1989 – after regaining sovereignty and initiating the socio-political transformation – there are many concepts of Eastern policy, which was also the result of dynamic changes in the Soviet . The process of emancipation of the united republics accelerated in the period of perestroika and steadily progressed. Its final effect was the disintegration of the Soviet empire at the end of 1991. Therefore various groups and political trends in Poland formed different concepts and visions of the Polish Eastern policy. In discussions on its shape more and more attention was turned to Polish-Ukrainian relations. One of the trends in formulating assumptions on the Polish policy towards the post-Soviet area was conservative parties and groups. Within this ideological option, represented by many parties and groups, many – often conflicting – ideas and visions of the Polish policy towards Ukraine were formed. The objective of this article is to present an overview of these concepts – formulated in the framework of the conservative trend. ; In Poland after 1989 – after regaining sovereignty and initiating the socio-political transformation – there are many concepts of Eastern policy, which was also the result of dynamic changes in the Soviet . The process of emancipation of the united republics accelerated in the period of perestroika and steadily progressed. Its final effect was the disintegration of the Soviet empire at the end of 1991. Therefore various groups and political trends in Poland formed different concepts and visions of the Polish Eastern policy. In discussions on its shape more and more attention was turned to Polish-Ukrainian relations. One of the trends in formulating assumptions on the Polish policy towards the post-Soviet area was conservative parties and groups. Within this ideological option, represented by many parties and groups, many – often conflicting – ideas and visions of the Polish policy towards Ukraine were formed. The objective of this article is to present an overview of these concepts – formulated in the framework of the conservative trend.

The relation of the Polish parliamentary groups to Ukraine in 1989–1999 years has been analyzed. It has been defined that it was the period of formation of the principal strategy in the polish eastern policy, in which Ukraine was the key element. The parliamentary elite presents the most significant politic, ideological and intellectual environments in this country, and reconsideration of its relation to the question, represents the best way the attitude if not the all society, so at least its majority. ; The relation of the Polish parliamentary groups to Ukraine in 1989–1999 years has been analyzed. It has been defined that it was the period of formation of the principal strategy in the polish eastern policy, in which Ukraine was the key element. The parliamentary elite presents the most significant politic, ideological and intellectual environments in this country, and reconsideration of its relation to the question, represents the best way the attitude if not the all society, so at least its majority.