Discussions on Freedom of the Press and Freedom of Expression in Türkiye: Analyzing the News Coverage of the "Disinformation Bill"
In: Advances in journalism and communication, Band 10, Heft 4, S. 410-424
ISSN: 2328-4935
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In: Advances in journalism and communication, Band 10, Heft 4, S. 410-424
ISSN: 2328-4935
In: Advances in Applied Sociology: AASoci, Band 12, Heft 4, S. 112-126
ISSN: 2165-4336
In: Advances in Applied Sociology: AASoci, Band 11, Heft 10, S. 500-512
ISSN: 2165-4336
In: Advances in Applied Sociology: AASoci, Band 11, Heft 12, S. 659-668
ISSN: 2165-4336
The Internet and its activism power have been discussed in recent years. This study deals with the roles of class-based alternative media and the websites of two labour unions in providing a democratic platform and their potential for strengthening of the labour union movements and examines "Sendika.Org" as the voice of labour movement and the websites of two important labour unions, Confederation of Public Workers' Unions (KESK) and Confederation of Revolutionary Workers' Unions (DİSK), to reveal their potentials in triggering the labour movement and class-based discussions in society. In this context, this study focuses on the nature of social networking activism and the potential of the alternative media in the context of theoretical framework of the public sphere and online activism and it discusses the creative potential of the Internet as a public sphere. It also attempts to explain how these websites present themselves to the public and mobilise citizens and activists. Also, it analyses the websites' potential of political resistance towards the social inequalities and the class-based issues by using the content analysis method constituted by certain categories such as information provision, networking, participation, campaigning, and delivery. The aim of this study is to reveal to what extent the activists use these websites as means for mobilisation and how alternative media and the websites of the labour unions create an alternative public sphere among the online audience and how they encourage the activists to participate in the online and offline actions. ; İnternetin aktivizm gücü son yıllarda tartışılmaktadır. Bu çalışma, sınıf temelli alternatif medyanın ve iki işçi sendikasının web sitelerinin demokratik bir platform sağlama ve bunların sendikal hareketleri güçlendirme potansiyellerini ele almakta ve işçi hareketinin sesi olanrak "Sendika.Org" adlı alternative haber sitesini ve iki önemli işçi sendikası olan Kamu İşçileri Sendikaları Konfederasyonu (KESK) ile Devrimci İşçi Sendikaları Konfederasyonu (DİSK)'nun toplumda sınıf temelli tartışmalara ve emek hareketine zemin hazırlama potansiyellerini incelemektedir. Çalışma, kamusal alan ve çevrimiçi eylemcilik teorileri bağlamında sosyal ağ aktivizminin doğasına ve alternatif medyanın potansiyeline odaklanmakta ve internetin bir aktivist için kamusal alan olarak yaratıcı potansiyelini tartışmakta; ayrıca, bu web sitelerinin kendilerini halka nasıl tanıttığını yurttaşları ve aktivistleri nasıl harekete geçirdiğini açıklamaya çalışmakta; web sitelerinin sosyal eşitsizliklere ve sınıf temelli meselelere yönelik siyasi direnme potansiyelini, bilgi sağlama, ağ oluşturma, katılım, kampanya oluşturma ve dağıtım gibi belirli kategorilerden oluşan içerik analizi yöntemini kullanarak analiz etmektedir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, aktivistlerin bu web sitelerini mobilizasyon araçları olarak ne ölçüde kullandıklarını, alternatif medyanın ve işçi sendikalarının web sitelerinin çevrimiçi izleyici arasında nasıl bir alternatif bir kamusal alan yarattığını ve aktivistleri çevrimiçi ve çevrimdışı eylemlere katılmak için nasıl teşvik ettiğini ortaya koymaktır.
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In: Palgrave Communications, Band 4, Heft 1, S. 40-40
SSRN
Advocates of new media—especially social networks, blogs, and photo/content sharing sites—argue that these tools create transformative impacts on society. Recently, around the world younger activists in popular democracy movements, uprisings, and protests, feeling disengaged by traditional forms of political discourse, have debated their positions on new media, and have used digital media to communicate, organize, and coordinate protest activities. While some media scholars suggest this is an indication that young people are active in creating a public sphere constructed by social media, there is still little real-world evidence that the technological potentials are widely realized. To address this gap, this comparative case study aims to reveal how some "ordinary" young people are using social media in response to political issues, investigating: if social media create a new kind of dynamic arena for their public activism; which factors may stimulate the young to activism; and whether their motivation is powerful enough to resist the status quo. Describing and analyzing qualitative interview data from a study of Turkish students and a parallel collection of data from US students, we construct an explanation of their communicated understandings of their differences and similarities in opportunities for political actions. Our findings indicate: there are many similar technical capacities; some similar topics are seen as political; and there are different understandings of what is and is not for public discussion among their personal collections of contacts and friends, with varying levels of real-world connections. This analysis is important in terms of understanding the ways uses of media technologies may be affected by different cultures, political and social conceptualizations and online communication patterns.
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In: Küre yayınları 165
In: İstanbul kitapları 6
The present study was aimed to investigate the genetic diversity among 17 Turkish water buffalo populations. A total of 837 individuals from 17 provincial populations were genotyped, using 20 microsatellites markers. The microsatellite markers analyzed were highly polymorphic with a mean number of alleles of (7.28) ranging from 6 (ILSTS005) to 17 (ETH003). The mean observed and expected heterozygosity values across all polymorphic loci in all studied buffalo populations were 0.61 and 0.70, respectively. Observed heterozygosity varied from 0.55 (Bursa (BUR)) to 0.70 (Muş (MUS)). It was lower than expected heterozygosity in most of the populations indicating a deviation from Hardy–Weinberg equilibrium. The overall value for the polymorphic information content of noted microsatellite loci was 0.655, indicating their suitability for genetic diversity analysis in buffalo. The mean FIS value was 0.091 and all loci were observed significantly deviated from Hardy–Weinberg Equilibrium (HWE), most likely based on non-random breeding. The 17 buffalo populations were genetically less diverse as indicated by a small mean FST value (0.032 ± 0.018). The analysis of molecular variance (AMOVA) analysis indicated that about 2% of the total genetic diversity was clarified by population distinctions and 88 percent corresponded to differences among individuals. The information produced by this study can be used to establish a base of national conservation and breeding strategy of water buffalo population in Turkey. © 2021 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. ; Tarimsal Araştirmalar ve Politikalar Genel Müdürlüğü, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarim Ve Orman Bakanliği: TAGEM/13/AR-GE/29 ; Funding: This research was funded by Republic of Turkey Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry General Directorate of Agricultural Research and Policies (TAGEM), grant number TAGEM/13/AR-GE/29, project leader Elif Geyik Kus¸.
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