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The article discusses the issues of political competence, political activity and political communication in Lithuania. The concept of political competence is operationalized and measured in terms of threefold sub-levels: the level of political information, the congruence between the perception of left-right wing politics, and self-placement on the left-right wing political scale together with the actual voting preferences. Analysis revealed the dependence of the level of political competence upon demographic criteria and personal values. The main problem is incompatibility between the level of political competence and political activity. The most active citizens do not necessarily have substantial political knowledge while the most competent citizens often abstain from active civic and political involvement.

The article discusses the issues of political competence, political activity and political communication in Lithuania. The concept of political competence is operationalized and measured in terms of threefold sub-levels: the level of political information, the congruence between the perception of left-right wing politics, and self-placement on the left-right wing political scale together with the actual voting preferences. Analysis revealed the dependence of the level of political competence upon demographic criteria and personal values. The main problem is incompatibility between the level of political competence and political activity. The most active citizens do not necessarily have substantial political knowledge while the most competent citizens often abstain from active civic and political involvement.

The article discusses the issues of political competence, political activity and political communication in Lithuania. The concept of political competence is operationalized and measured in terms of threefold sub-levels: the level of political information, the congruence between the perception of left-right wing politics, and self-placement on the left-right wing political scale together with the actual voting preferences. Analysis revealed the dependence of the level of political competence upon demographic criteria and personal values. The main problem is incompatibility between the level of political competence and political activity. The most active citizens do not necessarily have substantial political knowledge while the most competent citizens often abstain from active civic and political involvement.

The paper dwells on the longitudinal data set of Lithuanian parliamentary candidates' views and investigates the post-communist politics of memory. The analyzed surveys are conducted in 2008, 2012 and 2016. Several hypotheses regarding the impact of time, democratic consolidation and geopolitical challenges on the national level of the politics of memory are tested, and we examine differences among party families regarding the politics of memory. The list of dependent variables of this study includes the attitudes of the parliamentary candidates and their determination to implement lustration, ban the public display of Soviet symbols and implement the claim that Russia must compensate the damage inflicted on Lithuania during the Soviet occupation. The study reveals that the politics of memory remains a matter of contention shaped by the dynamic interaction of three kinds of logic: transitional (based on the need to mark a break from the previous regime), post-transitional (encouraged by expiring early transitional conventions and re-articulated geopolitical visions), and partisan (inspired by multi-party electoral competition).

On the grounds of the theories of the use of the mass media, the authors analyse concepts and assessments of military threats. The analysis is based on the data of representative public opinion polls (conducted in spring 2016 by Vilmorus, N = 1004). The research shows that certain qualities of individual political competence strengthen the impact of the media, that the tabloid press, Russian TV and the quality press affect concepts of military threats, and that sets of factors shaping the concepts of various military threats are different. The extent of the mass media impact is influenced mostly by an individual's ethnic background, education, income, participation in elections, political education, inter-personal communication on political topics as well as a leftist–rightist self-identification.

On the grounds of the theories of the use of the mass media, the authors analyse concepts and assessments of military threats. The analysis is based on the data of representative public opinion polls (conducted in spring 2016 by Vilmorus, N = 1004). The research shows that certain qualities of individual political competence strengthen the impact of the media, that the tabloid press, Russian TV and the quality press affect concepts of military threats, and that sets of factors shaping the concepts of various military threats are different. The extent of the mass media impact is influenced mostly by an individual's ethnic background, education, income, participation in elections, political education, inter-personal communication on political topics as well as a leftist–rightist self-identification.

On the grounds of the theories of the use of the mass media, the authors analyse concepts and assessments of military threats. The analysis is based on the data of representative public opinion polls (conducted in spring 2016 by Vilmorus, N = 1004). The research shows that certain qualities of individual political competence strengthen the impact of the media, that the tabloid press, Russian TV and the quality press affect concepts of military threats, and that sets of factors shaping the concepts of various military threats are different. The extent of the mass media impact is influenced mostly by an individual's ethnic background, education, income, participation in elections, political education, inter-personal communication on political topics as well as a leftist–rightist self-identification.

On the grounds of the theories of the use of the mass media, the authors analyse concepts and assessments of military threats. The analysis is based on the data of representative public opinion polls (conducted in spring 2016 by Vilmorus, N = 1004). The research shows that certain qualities of individual political competence strengthen the impact of the media, that the tabloid press, Russian TV and the quality press affect concepts of military threats, and that sets of factors shaping the concepts of various military threats are different. The extent of the mass media impact is influenced mostly by an individual's ethnic background, education, income, participation in elections, political education, inter-personal communication on political topics as well as a leftist–rightist self-identification.

The COVID-19 pandemic has forced governments to urgently seek effective solutions in response to the crisis. COVID-19 crisis response policies have been shaped by adapting crisis management models to public health management, or by developing new, unique response approaches and tools. The research has found that the crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic is unique and distinctive in many respects. It is classified as a crisis of 'low probability but high impact', taking into account the effects on health and social security systems and other areas of public administration. Thus, it has not been easy for the authorities to find, develop and implement effective measures to overcome the crisis. The qualitative study found that front-line staff have exceptionally high workloads and a lack of resources, and there is considerable uncertainty about the implementation of crisis management policies. Some epidemic management measures limit their direct contact with customers. In addition, the COVID-19 epidemic has introduced many negative contextual factors.

The COVID-19 pandemic has forced governments to urgently seek effective solutions in response to the crisis. COVID-19 crisis response policies have been shaped by adapting crisis management models to public health management, or by developing new, unique response approaches and tools. The research has found that the crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic is unique and distinctive in many respects. It is classified as a crisis of 'low probability but high impact', taking into account the effects on health and social security systems and other areas of public administration. Thus, it has not been easy for the authorities to find, develop and implement effective measures to overcome the crisis. The qualitative study found that front-line staff have exceptionally high workloads and a lack of resources, and there is considerable uncertainty about the implementation of crisis management policies. Some epidemic management measures limit their direct contact with customers. In addition, the COVID-19 epidemic has introduced many negative contextual factors.

The COVID-19 pandemic has forced governments to urgently seek effective solutions in response to the crisis. COVID-19 crisis response policies have been shaped by adapting crisis management models to public health management, or by developing new, unique response approaches and tools. The research has found that the crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic is unique and distinctive in many respects. It is classified as a crisis of 'low probability but high impact', taking into account the effects on health and social security systems and other areas of public administration. Thus, it has not been easy for the authorities to find, develop and implement effective measures to overcome the crisis. The qualitative study found that front-line staff have exceptionally high workloads and a lack of resources, and there is considerable uncertainty about the implementation of crisis management policies. Some epidemic management measures limit their direct contact with customers. In addition, the COVID-19 epidemic has introduced many negative contextual factors.