Suchergebnisse

The article is dedicated to analysing the features of balanced semi-presidentialism compared to other types of semi-presidentialism constitutional system of government. The author outlined theoretical features, institutional risks and positives of balanced semi-presidentialism at the example and experience of different countries and singled the history of formation and prospects for reformation of balanced semi-presidentialism in Ukraine.In the first part of the study, the researcher dealt with the knowledge of theoretical framework, institutional risks and positives, which are peculiar to a balanced semi-presidentialism in different countries. The author also argued that semi-presidentialism is a system of government and a constitutional model with a position of a nationwide and directly elected for a fixed term president (usually as a head of state, but sometimes as a head of state and a chief executive) and with positions of prime minister and cabinet, which are necessarily collectively responsible to parliament. Accordingly, the author has identified different types of semi-presidential and outlined a phenomenon of balanced semi-presidentialism.In the second part of the study, the researcher noticed that the problem of balanced semi-presidentialism in Ukraine can be understood only in the context of the consideration of the evolutional consequences of different systems of government in 1991–2015. Based on this, the author analysed the prospects for sustainable development and reformation of balanced semi-presidentialism in Ukraine. ; The article is dedicated to analysing the features of balanced semi-presidentialism compared to other types of semi-presidentialism constitutional system of government. The author outlined theoretical features, institutional risks and positives of balanced semi-presidentialism at the example and experience of different countries and singled the history of formation and prospects for reformation of balanced semi-presidentialism in Ukraine.In the first part of the study, the researcher dealt with the knowledge of theoretical framework, institutional risks and positives, which are peculiar to a balanced semi-presidentialism in different countries. The author also argued that semi-presidentialism is a system of government and a constitutional model with a position of a nationwide and directly elected for a fixed term president (usually as a head of state, but sometimes as a head of state and a chief executive) and with positions of prime minister and cabinet, which are necessarily collectively responsible to parliament. Accordingly, the author has identified different types of semi-presidential and outlined a phenomenon of balanced semi-presidentialism.In the second part of the study, the researcher noticed that the problem of balanced semi-presidentialism in Ukraine can be understood only in the context of the consideration of the evolutional consequences of different systems of government in 1991–2015. Based on this, the author analysed the prospects for sustainable development and reformation of balanced semi-presidentialism in Ukraine.

The article is dedicated to reviewing the "cordon sanitaire" technic towards radical parties in electoral and parliamentary-cabinet aspects of their activity at the example of Central and Eastern European countries. The authors identified types of cross-party cooperation's strategies between traditional and radical left-wing and rightwing parties. They are co-optation of party, collaboration of party, ignoring the party, isolation of party. The authors also determined attributes of legal and political containment of radical parties in Central-Eastern European countries, analyzed different parameters of severity (power) and effectiveness, implications and conclusions of the "cordon sanitaire" technic at the example of Central-Eastern European countries. The focus of the article is verification and application of the «cordon sanitaire» technic in Central and Eastern European countries, at the example of Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia. ; The article is dedicated to reviewing the "cordon sanitaire" technic towards radical parties in electoral and parliamentary-cabinet aspects of their activity at the example of Central and Eastern European countries. The authors identified types of cross-party cooperation's strategies between traditional and radical left-wing and rightwing parties. They are co-optation of party, collaboration of party, ignoring the party, isolation of party. The authors also determined attributes of legal and political containment of radical parties in Central-Eastern European countries, analyzed different parameters of severity (power) and effectiveness, implications and conclusions of the "cordon sanitaire" technic at the example of Central-Eastern European countries. The focus of the article is verification and application of the «cordon sanitaire» technic in Central and Eastern European countries, at the example of Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia.

The article is dedicated to reviewing the "cordon sanitaire" technic towards radical parties in electoral and parliamentary-cabinet aspects of their activity at the example of Central and Eastern European countries. The authors identified types of cross-party cooperation's strategies between traditional and radical left-wing and rightwing parties. They are co-optation of party, collaboration of party, ignoring the party, isolation of party. The authors also determined attributes of legal and political containment of radical parties in Central-Eastern European countries, analyzed different parameters of severity (power) and effectiveness, implications and conclusions of the "cordon sanitaire" technic at the example of Central-Eastern European countries. The focus of the article is verification and application of the «cordon sanitaire» technic in Central and Eastern European countries, at the example of Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia. ; The article is dedicated to reviewing the "cordon sanitaire" technic towards radical parties in electoral and parliamentary-cabinet aspects of their activity at the example of Central and Eastern European countries. The authors identified types of cross-party cooperation's strategies between traditional and radical left-wing and rightwing parties. They are co-optation of party, collaboration of party, ignoring the party, isolation of party. The authors also determined attributes of legal and political containment of radical parties in Central-Eastern European countries, analyzed different parameters of severity (power) and effectiveness, implications and conclusions of the "cordon sanitaire" technic at the example of Central-Eastern European countries. The focus of the article is verification and application of the «cordon sanitaire» technic in Central and Eastern European countries, at the example of Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia.

Розглянуто еволюцію становлення і проаналізовано найпоширеніші класичні та сучасні методики оцінювання й порівняння сили президентів, на підставі чого виокремлено їхні основні спільні ознаки та параметри. Водночас констатовано, що наявні методики оцінювання сили президентів не завжди є релевантними в універсалістському контексті, адже доволі часто розроблялись у регіональному та крос-національному розрізі. З огляду на це, у дослідженні запропоновано, зокрема теоретизовано та апробовано, авторську методику оцінювання сили президентів на підставі врахування позицій та уповноваженості глав держав у рамках різних сфер повноважень і потенціалу їхньої реалізації. Для цього спочатку окреслено і систематизовано логіку формування блоків індикаторів та критеріїв оцінювання й порівняння сили президентів, а також механізм їхнього підрахунку. Після цього методику верифіковано і результовано на прикладі порівняння та зіставлення конституціоналізованих повноважень президентів у країнах Африки як у регіоні, який раніше традиційно не піддавався подібним дослідженням.