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The article is devoted to the analysis of the theoretical basis of the political strategies of socio-economic development of the city at the beginning the 21st century. The importance of E. Moretti's theoretical exploration for defining the political strategies of socio-economic development of the Ukrainian cities is proved. We emphasize the ambivalence of the consequences of innovational development, which creates winners and losers, leads to break-up of the modern societies into different types of economies, cultures and subgroups, which vary according to where they live. We note that the differences between them create new local and global hierarchies, new zones of vulnerability and instability.Key words: The Great Divergence, E. Moretti, innovation economy, creativity, political strategies of socio-economic development of the city. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу теоретичних засад політичних стратегій соціально-економічного розвитку міста на початку ХХІ століття за умов інноваційної економіки. Доводиться значення теоретичних розвідок Е. Моретті для уточнення політичних стратегій соціально-економічного розвитку міст України. Підкреслюється амбівалентність наслідків інноваційного розвитку, який породжує переможців та програвших, веде до розколу всередині сучасних суспільств на різні типи економік, культур та спільнот, які відрізняються містом проживання. Наголошується, що відмінності між ними утворюють нові локальні та глобальні ієрархії, нові зони уразливості та нестабільності.Ключові слова: Велика дивергенція, Е. Моретті, інноваційна економіка, креативність, політичні стратегії соціально-економічного розвитку міста.Статья посвящена анализу теоретических оснований политических стратегий социально-экономического развития города в начале ХХІ века в условиях инновационной экономики. Доказывается значение теоретических разведок Э. Моретти для уточнения политических стратегий социально-экономического развития городов Украины. Подчеркивается амбивалентность следствий инновационного развития, которое порождает победителей и проигравших, ведет к расколу внутри современных обществ на разные типы экономик, культур и сообществ, которые отличаются местом проживания. Отмечается, что отличия между ними создают новые локальные и глобальные иерархии, новые зоны уязвимости и нестабильности.Ключевые слова: Великая дивергенция, Э. Моретти, инновационная экономика, креативность, политические стратегии социально-экономического развития города.The article is devoted to the analysis of the theoretical basis of the political strategies of socio-economic development of the city at the beginning the 21st century. The importance of E. Moretti's theoretical exploration for defining the political strategies of socio-economic development of the Ukrainian cities is proved. We emphasize the ambivalence of the consequences of innovational development, which creates winners and losers, leads to break-up of the modern societies into different types of economies, cultures and subgroups, which vary according to where they live. We note that the differences between them create new local and global hierarchies, new zones of vulnerability and instability.Key words: The Great Divergence, E. Moretti, innovation economy, creativity, political strategies of socio-economic development of the city.

The article analyses the attempt of socio-political rethinking of global climate change within Ulrich Beck's theory of the metamorphosis. Socio-political analysis of climate change requires clarification of its methodological foundations. This article states that at the beginning of the new millennium, the social sciences have come to a point of a deep methodology crisis. Without a new methodology, the social sciences would have to declare bankruptcy in the face of the tumult of the environment which surrounds us, where what was unthinkable yesterday is real and possible today. In this critical situation, Beck sets himself the ambitious task of developing a fundamentally new methodological basis for the analysis of the modern world - the theory of the metamorphosis of the world.It is emphasized that the concept of the metamorphosis is a landmark change in the focus of our attention and our worldview. It destabilizes all the definitions of modernity. Beck calls our attention to unintentional events and processes that go largely unnoticed, mostly outside the domains of politics and democracy, as side effects of radical technical and economic modernization. They are triggers for a fundamental shock that undermines the anthropological constants of our existence in the world and our understanding of the world. The distinction between nature and society has ceased to exist.The article notes that Beck explained the significant difference between the theoretical foundations of the theory of world risk society and the new theory of the metamorphosis of the world. Where the theory of world risk society had analysed the negative side effects of the good, the new theory focuses on the positive side effects of the bad, which do not, however, automatically create a better world. Beck is constantly focusing his attention on the lack of predetermined course of events: the metamorphosis is a process that has no end. It is an open, irreversible and highly ambivalent process.Stubbornly refusing the temptation to create a new horrific scenario of climate apocalypse, Beck proposes his own analytical approach of seeking to answer the question of how climate change affects society and politics. It is necessary to set free our political and social imagination, which now faces the daunting task of encompassing the interaction and interdependence of the human, society and nature in the conditions of globalization, and the corresponding changes in the political sphere.In terms of socio-political analysis, we are faced with situations of lack of understanding, because climate change can have different and possibly opposing impacts on people's lives even within a single region, let alone between geographically remote ones. Someone wins and someone loses in different ways (including ways as yet unknown today). Accordingly, a complex multilevel model of the metamorphosis of the world emerges, which takes into account the interaction of local, regional, national and global conditions which create specific structures as a consequence of social inequalities and power relations. In order to face the challenges and risks of climate change, global society needs a large-scale, cosmopolitan, planetary-level POLITICS in the face of powerlessness of the national-international politics.The open nature of the future gives reason to speak of the particular importance of political decisions taken in response to climate threats. Choosing cooperation between countries with different levels of development, we must distinguish between the theory of dependency and the theory of cosmopolitanisation in the context of socio-political rethinking of climate change. Indeed, both theories describe global forms of historical transcontinental inequalities and asymmetric power relations. However, cosmopolitanisation forms the normative horizon of equality and justice, including climate justice. Obviously, the new horizon does not automatically reduce the asymmetry in relations between countries (Beck emphasizes that global inequality may even increase), but it would lead to the implementation of global norms of equality. It is when we consider climate catastrophes in the context of justice that the question arises of whether existing patterns of inequality and vulnerability are fair and we leave the discourse of "how to manage our risks" behind. It is when we focus on the mechanisms of creation and dissemination of the negative effects that we will see the movements which are typically invisible to everyday perception. Our scientific perspective will combine what is nationally and geographically divided, becoming "the cosmopolitan perspective".Moving from theoretical to practical, Beck acknowledges that in the (in)human conditions of existence in the early 21st century, the imperialist interconnectedness of radically unequal worlds still dominates. The reality and prospects of the metamorphosis make possible the emergence of a new imperialist order and 'climate colonialism' against the background of the continued existence of colonial patterns. There is a fundamental distinction between decision makers and risk generators, and those who suffer from these decisions and risks. However, according to Beck, we can only see this imperialist structure if we change the optics of the nation-state to a cosmopolitan perspective in the socio-political rethinking of climate change in relation to the climate justice horizon for those already living in the global world and for those who are yet to be born into it. The main change Beck proposes is to see in people and communities not the victims of the effects of climate change, but citizens whose rights must be protected.We conclude that Beck's theoretical explorations and conclusions on socio-political understanding of climate change are of utmost importance for Ukraine, where rethinking climate change has not yet become a first-order issue on the socio-political agenda. Any country's lack of attention to the major issue of climate change can be abused. Global climate risks threaten, according to Beck, both the lives of individual citizens and the sovereignty of nation states.Key words: Beck U., climate justice, climate colonialism, socio-political rethinking of climate change, the theory of the metamorphosis. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу спроби соціально-політичного переосмислення глобальних кліматичних змін у теорії метаморфозісу У. Бека. Доводиться значення теорії метаморфозісу щодо з'ясування взаємозалежності людини, суспільства, природи в умовах глобалізації і відповідним змінам у сфері політики. Наголошується, що тільки з позиції соціально-політичного аналізу кліматичних змін можна визначити нормативний горизонт кліматичної справедливості для глобального світу, побачити загрози кліматичного колоніалізму.Ключові слова: Бек У., кліматична справедливість, кліматичний колоніалізм, соціально-політичне переосмислення кліматичних змін, теорія метаморфозісу. Статья посвящена анализу попытки социально-политического переосмысления климатических изменений в теории метаморфозиса У. Бека. Доказывается значение теории метаморфозиса для выяснения взаимозависимости человека, общества, природы в условиях глобализации и соответствующим изменениям в сфере политики. Подчеркивается, что только с позиции социально-политического анализа климатических изменений можно определить нормативный горизонт климатической справедливости для глобального мира, увидеть угрозы климатического колониализма.Ключевые слова: Бек У., климатическая справедливость, климатический колониализм, социально-политическое переосмысление климатических изменений, теория метаморфозиса. The article analyses the attempt of socio-political rethinking of global climate change within Ulrich Beck's theory of the metamorphosis. Socio-political analysis of climate change requires clarification of its methodological foundations. This article states that at the beginning of the new millennium, the social sciences have come to a point of a deep methodology crisis. Without a new methodology, the social sciences would have to declare bankruptcy in the face of the tumult of the environment which surrounds us, where what was unthinkable yesterday is real and possible today. In this critical situation, Beck sets himself the ambitious task of developing a fundamentally new methodological basis for the analysis of the modern world - the theory of the metamorphosis of the world.It is emphasized that the concept of the metamorphosis is a landmark change in the focus of our attention and our worldview. It destabilizes all the definitions of modernity. Beck calls our attention to unintentional events and processes that go largely unnoticed, mostly outside the domains of politics and democracy, as side effects of radical technical and economic modernization. They are triggers for a fundamental shock that undermines the anthropological constants of our existence in the world and our understanding of the world. The distinction between nature and society has ceased to exist.The article notes that Beck explained the significant difference between the theoretical foundations of the theory of world risk society and the new theory of the metamorphosis of the world. Where the theory of world risk society had analysed the negative side effects of the good, the new theory focuses on the positive side effects of the bad, which do not, however, automatically create a better world. Beck is constantly focusing his attention on the lack of predetermined course of events: the metamorphosis is a process that has no end. It is an open, irreversible and highly ambivalent process.Stubbornly refusing the temptation to create a new horrific scenario of climate apocalypse, Beck proposes his own analytical approach of seeking to answer the question of how climate change affects society and politics. It is necessary to set free our political and social imagination, which now faces the daunting task of encompassing the interaction and interdependence of the human, society and nature in the conditions of globalization, and the corresponding changes in the political sphere.In terms of socio-political analysis, we are faced with situations of lack of understanding, because climate change can have different and possibly opposing impacts on people's lives even within a single region, let alone between geographically remote ones. Someone wins and someone loses in different ways (including ways as yet unknown today). Accordingly, a complex multilevel model of the metamorphosis of the world emerges, which takes into account the interaction of local, regional, national and global conditions which create specific structures as a consequence of social inequalities and power relations. In order to face the challenges and risks of climate change, global society needs a large-scale, cosmopolitan, planetary-level POLITICS in the face of powerlessness of the national-international politics.The open nature of the future gives reason to speak of the particular importance of political decisions taken in response to climate threats. Choosing cooperation between countries with different levels of development, we must distinguish between the theory of dependency and the theory of cosmopolitanisation in the context of socio-political rethinking of climate change. Indeed, both theories describe global forms of historical transcontinental inequalities and asymmetric power relations. However, cosmopolitanisation forms the normative horizon of equality and justice, including climate justice. Obviously, the new horizon does not automatically reduce the asymmetry in relations between countries (Beck emphasizes that global inequality may even increase), but it would lead to the implementation of global norms of equality. It is when we consider climate catastrophes in the context of justice that the question arises of whether existing patterns of inequality and vulnerability are fair and we leave the discourse of "how to manage our risks" behind. It is when we focus on the mechanisms of creation and dissemination of the negative effects that we will see the movements which are typically invisible to everyday perception. Our scientific perspective will combine what is nationally and geographically divided, becoming "the cosmopolitan perspective".Moving from theoretical to practical, Beck acknowledges that in the (in)human conditions of existence in the early 21st century, the imperialist interconnectedness of radically unequal worlds still dominates. The reality and prospects of the metamorphosis make possible the emergence of a new imperialist order and 'climate colonialism' against the background of the continued existence of colonial patterns. There is a fundamental distinction between decision makers and risk generators, and those who suffer from these decisions and risks. However, according to Beck, we can only see this imperialist structure if we change the optics of the nation-state to a cosmopolitan perspective in the socio-political rethinking of climate change in relation to the climate justice horizon for those already living in the global world and for those who are yet to be born into it. The main change Beck proposes is to see in people and communities not the victims of the effects of climate change, but citizens whose rights must be protected.We conclude that Beck's theoretical explorations and conclusions on socio-political understanding of climate change are of utmost importance for Ukraine, where rethinking climate change has not yet become a first-order issue on the socio-political agenda. Any country's lack of attention to the major issue of climate change can be abused. Global climate risks threaten, according to Beck, both the lives of individual citizens and the sovereignty of nation states.Key words: Beck U., climate justice, climate colonialism, socio-political rethinking of climate change, the theory of the metamorphosis.

The article analyses theoretical foundations of the development of an inclusive society in Ukraine. It demonstrates significance of theoretical investigations by D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson into the development of inclusive political and economic institutions as established practices of an inclusive society. The article investigates methodological possibilities of a mono-causal «simple theory» approach, which D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson use to clarify the main contours of economic and political development of different countries from the Neolithic revolution till now. The key idea of the two US scientists is that all the roots of poverty can be traced to politics and political processes. These topics form the subject of their analysis. We note that D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson maintain institutional point of view and argue that societies' growth requires effective institutions. Inclusive institutions, such as property rights, access to markets, equality before the law, access to infrastructure, support for economic and social mobility, and investment in human capital are needed for economic development. By contrast, extractive institutions enable the appropriation of rent by privileged groups in society, i.e. the elites. These institutions only redistribute resources rather than supporting development. They discriminate and expropriate. D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson consider political institutions fundamental to economic growth. They divide these into inclusive and extractive institutions as well. For D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson, politics is the process of a society choosing the rules governing its activities, and political institutions are the key determinant in the result of the struggle for economic gain – the prosperity of a nation, groups or specific individuals. Political institutions determine who has power in society and what power can be used for. Inclusive political institutions are characterised by plurality – various interest groups affecting political decisions. Under such conditions, the control over life in the country cannot be concentrated within a narrow group. However, D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson also caution that sufficient centralization is required to prevent chaos in a wide plurality. Extractive political institutions allow a narrow circle of elites to concentrate political power and subordinate economic institutions to the task of collecting resources from the rest of society. The article emphasises the importance of D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson's conclusion regarding the synergies between political and economic institutions. Inclusive political institutions with their wide distribution of power do not allow the usurping of power over economic institutions; and equitable distribution of resources encourages strengthening of inclusive political institutions ("inclusive society"). Such synergies are also inherent in extractive institutions. Four types of institutions create four possible institutional combinations. However, two combinations are typically reproduced: inclusive political and economic institutions, and extractive political and economic institutions. If there is a need to go beyond the bounds of extractive political and economic institutions, such opportunities arise at critical junctures, created by shock situations. The article emphasises the cautious nature of D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson's conclusions regarding the ways of changing political institutions in society from extractive to inclusive ones, and their confidence in the contingent nature of history, which might create or not create inclusive political institutions. However, even in the context of contingency, inclusive political and economic institutions, if they appeared, would be more likely to be reproduced in history, forming a virtuous circle. There is also a vicious circle of extractive institutions. The article also considers the ignorance hypothesis approach as the foundation of the influence of western political elites. According to D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson, western politicians are convinced that the roots of the poverty problem lie in the lack of knowledge about generating prosperity among the poor countries' elites. D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson emphasise that the overall perspective chosen by international organisations is false because they do not recognise the key role of political institutions. It is noted that D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson do not provide a programmatic answer to the question of how to create inclusive political institutions, instead emphasising that there is no recipe for the development of such institutions. There are factors that can contribute to their appearance: a significant level of centralisation that will not allow social movements that are trying to change the existing regime out of the boundaries of the law; availability of a broad coalition; civil society institutions that are able to coordinate the demands of the population so that the opposition movements would not be easily crushed by existing elites or used by another group to establish their control over extractive political institutions. We conclude that under the conditions of contingency, the responsibility of the political elites for their chosen development strategies and tactics grows immeasurably. History is not a destiny: a vicious circle can be broken. The elections awaiting Ukraine can become the breakthrough to a prosperous inclusive society.Key words: extractive political and economic institutions, inclusive society, inclusive political and economic institutions. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу теоретичних засад розбудови інклюзивного суспільства в Україні. Доводиться значення теоретичних розвідок Д. Аджемоглу і Дж. А. Робінсона щодо розвитку інклюзивних політичних і економічних інститутів як усталених практик інклюзивного суспільства, виявляються фактори, що сприяють їх появі. Політичні інститути визначаються первинними щодо економічного зростання. Підкреслюється принципова відмінність між інклюзивними і екстрактивними політичними і економічними інститутами. Наголошується відповідальність політичних еліт за розвиток інклюзивних інститутів в умовах контингентності.Ключові слова: екстрактивні політичні і економічні інститути, інклюзивне суспільство, інклюзивні політичні і економічні інститути. Статья посвящена анализу теоретических оснований развития инклюзивного общества в Украине. Доказывается значение теоретических разведок Д. Аджемоглу и Дж. А. Робинсона для развития инклюзивных политических и экономических институтов как устоявшихся практик инклюзивного общества, выявляются факторы, которые способствуют их появлению. Политические институты определяются как первичные для экономического роста. Подчеркивается принципиальное отличие между инклюзивными и экстрактивными политическими и экономическими институтами. Отмечается ответственность политических элит за развитие инклюзивных институтов в условиях контингентности.Ключевые слова: экстрактивные политические и экономические институты, инклюзивное общество, инклюзивные политические и экономические институты. The article analyses theoretical foundations of the development of an inclusive society in Ukraine. It demonstrates significance of theoretical investigations by D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson into the development of inclusive political and economic institutions as established practices of an inclusive society. The article investigates methodological possibilities of a mono-causal «simple theory» approach, which D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson use to clarify the main contours of economic and political development of different countries from the Neolithic revolution till now. The key idea of the two US scientists is that all the roots of poverty can be traced to politics and political processes. These topics form the subject of their analysis. We note that D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson maintain institutional point of view and argue that societies' growth requires effective institutions. Inclusive institutions, such as property rights, access to markets, equality before the law, access to infrastructure, support for economic and social mobility, and investment in human capital are needed for economic development. By contrast, extractive institutions enable the appropriation of rent by privileged groups in society, i.e. the elites. These institutions only redistribute resources rather than supporting development. They discriminate and expropriate. D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson consider political institutions fundamental to economic growth. They divide these into inclusive and extractive institutions as well. For D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson, politics is the process of a society choosing the rules governing its activities, and political institutions are the key determinant in the result of the struggle for economic gain – the prosperity of a nation, groups or specific individuals. Political institutions determine who has power in society and what power can be used for. Inclusive political institutions are characterised by plurality – various interest groups affecting political decisions. Under such conditions, the control over life in the country cannot be concentrated within a narrow group. However, D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson also caution that sufficient centralization is required to prevent chaos in a wide plurality. Extractive political institutions allow a narrow circle of elites to concentrate political power and subordinate economic institutions to the task of collecting resources from the rest of society. The article emphasises the importance of D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson's conclusion regarding the synergies between political and economic institutions. Inclusive political institutions with their wide distribution of power do not allow the usurping of power over economic institutions; and equitable distribution of resources encourages strengthening of inclusive political institutions ("inclusive society"). Such synergies are also inherent in extractive institutions. Four types of institutions create four possible institutional combinations. However, two combinations are typically reproduced: inclusive political and economic institutions, and extractive political and economic institutions. If there is a need to go beyond the bounds of extractive political and economic institutions, such opportunities arise at critical junctures, created by shock situations. The article emphasises the cautious nature of D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson's conclusions regarding the ways of changing political institutions in society from extractive to inclusive ones, and their confidence in the contingent nature of history, which might create or not create inclusive political institutions. However, even in the context of contingency, inclusive political and economic institutions, if they appeared, would be more likely to be reproduced in history, forming a virtuous circle. There is also a vicious circle of extractive institutions. The article also considers the ignorance hypothesis approach as the foundation of the influence of western political elites. According to D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson, western politicians are convinced that the roots of the poverty problem lie in the lack of knowledge about generating prosperity among the poor countries' elites. D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson emphasise that the overall perspective chosen by international organisations is false because they do not recognise the key role of political institutions. It is noted that D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson do not provide a programmatic answer to the question of how to create inclusive political institutions, instead emphasising that there is no recipe for the development of such institutions. There are factors that can contribute to their appearance: a significant level of centralisation that will not allow social movements that are trying to change the existing regime out of the boundaries of the law; availability of a broad coalition; civil society institutions that are able to coordinate the demands of the population so that the opposition movements would not be easily crushed by existing elites or used by another group to establish their control over extractive political institutions. We conclude that under the conditions of contingency, the responsibility of the political elites for their chosen development strategies and tactics grows immeasurably. History is not a destiny: a vicious circle can be broken. The elections awaiting Ukraine can become the breakthrough to a prosperous inclusive society.Key words: extractive political and economic institutions, inclusive society, inclusive political and economic institutions.

The beginning of the 21st century has posed numerous challenges for the global population, including the growth of inequality both worldwide and in specific societies. Inequality in access to good education is also increasing. The debate on our understanding of what modern education should be like is broadening. It was this atmosphere of crisis in society and education in the UK after the 2008 global financial and economic downturn that galvanised the search for "critical hope" for the possibility of transforming formal and informal education. For the sake of this hope, representatives of critical pedagogy and popular education have united into a single group (Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group). Modernisation of the education system in Ukraine also requires unity of all those interested and involved in the education process. Thus, the UK's experience is of considerable interest. The possibility and rationale of combining these two areas into a single Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group in the UK has so far remained under-researched. The article studies theoretical preconditions and practical consequences of the combination of critical pedagogy and popular education in the UK. It is emphasised that the common basic principles and purpose, even with the background of theoretical debate, create unity in critical conditions, as it has occurred in the United Kingdom. Common for critical pedagogy and popular education are: the orientation towards the student's life experience; confidence in representation of politics in education; resistance against official hierarchies; development of critical thinking; and critical reflection on important subjects of public life with a view to improve it. However, critical pedagogy and popular education cannot be considered as one and the same. Popular education goes beyond the boundaries of traditional educational institutions with the aim of maximum adaptation to the experience of those who are studying. It aims to meet with the learners not only in the field of their experience, but also in the literal sense: in their homes, public spaces, and so on. Representatives of popular education also do not differentiate the positions of the teacher and the student, emphasising that their experience is of equal importance. Thus, popular education is based on a horizontal connection instead of the usual vertical hierarchies in the educational space. The process of popular education should correspond to the following general characteristics: its curriculum should be based on the concrete experience and material interests of people in the communities of resistance and struggle; its methods and practices of teaching are collective and focused on the group unlike individual learning and development; and it tries where possible to promote direct links between education and social actions. Critical pedagogy, like popular education, also focuses on the student's life experiences. Critical pedagogy offers a curriculum which focuses on the study of everyday life, informal and popular culture, historical models of governance, the subjectivity and identity of the individual. Thus, critical pedagogy interprets pedagogical reality as widely as possible, which allows its theorists to unite with popular education in order to solve social and transformational problems through socio-pedagogical practices. Critical Pedagogy / Popular Education Group has united theorists, political activists, artists and people's educators for the sake of progressive education in the purpose of social change. Common to them is the recognition of deep injustice, dehumanization and attacks on human dignity in many areas of life of the founders of the group, and the lives of those who are less privileged than the founders of the group. This group has connected those working in formal educational institutions to others beyond their boundaries. The aim of the group, as the founders emphasise in its program document, is to enable those involved in social transformation and political struggle in formal and informal education to integrate their knowledge, to develop pedagogy of involvement, life and hope in order to break down the barriers between informal and formal education and connect them again to make possible a progressive change; rethink university as a radically democratic social and political institution; change individualised atomisation, instrumental and fatalistic thinking proposed by neoliberalism under the slogan "there is no alternative"; combine activism outside the academic institutions and inside them; combine academic theory and practice in order to improve the world; use the experience of other institutions, movements, and groups with similar views; and develop an independent community of those working for social justice and a sustainable future. We emphasise that the union emerged for the sake of joint actions, while theoretical differences undoubtedly remain. In the opinion of the group's founders, a number of issues are still subject to debate. Among them is the refinement of the concept of practice – namely, whether there is a distinction between theory and practice, or whether academic theory, learning and teaching can be considered practices. There is also a need to clarify the understanding of the concept of community in the environment of blurring of face-to-face communities, and whether there is a need to develop a collective action strategy in the absence of community. There is even discussion around the basic vocabulary terms of the group, subversion and transformation. There is debate about the limits of the subversion and transformation of the dominant definitions of education and the forms of institutional power. In our opinion, the long list of discussion points proves that the process of integration was not a simple matter. The task of modernising the education system in Ukraine needs the same broad coalition, in the middle of which there will undoubtedly be a number of controversial theoretical issues. However, the common ground principles and purpose would allow us to unite in critical conditions, as it happened in the UK. The consideration of the theoretical intentions of critical pedagogy and popular education, the clarification of the underlying conditions and the purpose of their unification into a single group in the UK allows us to renew our vision of the place of education in public life.Key words: critical pedagogy, Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group, popular education, modernisation of education system. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу теоретичних передумов і практичних наслідків об'єднання критичної педагогіки і народної (популярної) освіти у Великій Британії. Доводиться, що атмосфера кризи у суспільстві і освіті актуалізувала пошуки "критичної надії" щодо можливості трансформувати формальну та неформальну освіту. Підкреслюється, що спільні засадничі принципи і мета, навіть на фоні теоретичних дискусій, дозволяють у критичних умовах об'єднатися, як то сталося у Великій Британії. Наголошується значення широкої коаліції задля модернізація системи освіти.Ключові слова: критична педагогіка, об'єднання "Гурт критична педагогіка/народна (популярна) освіта", народна (популярна) освіта, модернізація системи освіти. Статья посвящена анализу теоретических оснований и практических последствий объединения критической педагогики и народного (популярного) образования. Доказывается, что атмосфера кризиса в обществе и образовании актуализировала поиски «критической надежды» в отношении возможности трансформировать формальное и неформальное образование. Подчеркивается, что общие основные принципы и цель, даже на фоне теоретических дискуссий, позволяют в критических условиях объединиться, как это произошло в Великобритании. Подчеркивается значение широкой коалиции для модернизации системы образования.Ключевые слова: критическая педагогика, объединение «Группа критическая педагогика/народное (популярное) образование», народное (популярное) образование, модернизация системы образования. The beginning of the 21st century has posed numerous challenges for the global population, including the growth of inequality both worldwide and in specific societies. Inequality in access to good education is also increasing. The debate on our understanding of what modern education should be like is broadening. It was this atmosphere of crisis in society and education in the UK after the 2008 global financial and economic downturn that galvanised the search for "critical hope" for the possibility of transforming formal and informal education. For the sake of this hope, representatives of critical pedagogy and popular education have united into a single group (Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group). Modernisation of the education system in Ukraine also requires unity of all those interested and involved in the education process. Thus, the UK's experience is of considerable interest. The possibility and rationale of combining these two areas into a single Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group in the UK has so far remained under-researched. The article studies theoretical preconditions and practical consequences of the combination of critical pedagogy and popular education in the UK. It is emphasised that the common basic principles and purpose, even with the background of theoretical debate, create unity in critical conditions, as it has occurred in the United Kingdom. Common for critical pedagogy and popular education are: the orientation towards the student's life experience; confidence in representation of politics in education; resistance against official hierarchies; development of critical thinking; and critical reflection on important subjects of public life with a view to improve it. However, critical pedagogy and popular education cannot be considered as one and the same. Popular education goes beyond the boundaries of traditional educational institutions with the aim of maximum adaptation to the experience of those who are studying. It aims to meet with the learners not only in the field of their experience, but also in the literal sense: in their homes, public spaces, and so on. Representatives of popular education also do not differentiate the positions of the teacher and the student, emphasising that their experience is of equal importance. Thus, popular education is based on a horizontal connection instead of the usual vertical hierarchies in the educational space. The process of popular education should correspond to the following general characteristics: its curriculum should be based on the concrete experience and material interests of people in the communities of resistance and struggle; its methods and practices of teaching are collective and focused on the group unlike individual learning and development; and it tries where possible to promote direct links between education and social actions. Critical pedagogy, like popular education, also focuses on the student's life experiences. Critical pedagogy offers a curriculum which focuses on the study of everyday life, informal and popular culture, historical models of governance, the subjectivity and identity of the individual. Thus, critical pedagogy interprets pedagogical reality as widely as possible, which allows its theorists to unite with popular education in order to solve social and transformational problems through socio-pedagogical practices. Critical Pedagogy / Popular Education Group has united theorists, political activists, artists and people's educators for the sake of progressive education in the purpose of social change. Common to them is the recognition of deep injustice, dehumanization and attacks on human dignity in many areas of life of the founders of the group, and the lives of those who are less privileged than the founders of the group. This group has connected those working in formal educational institutions to others beyond their boundaries. The aim of the group, as the founders emphasise in its program document, is to enable those involved in social transformation and political struggle in formal and informal education to integrate their knowledge, to develop pedagogy of involvement, life and hope in order to break down the barriers between informal and formal education and connect them again to make possible a progressive change; rethink university as a radically democratic social and political institution; change individualised atomisation, instrumental and fatalistic thinking proposed by neoliberalism under the slogan "there is no alternative"; combine activism outside the academic institutions and inside them; combine academic theory and practice in order to improve the world; use the experience of other institutions, movements, and groups with similar views; and develop an independent community of those working for social justice and a sustainable future. We emphasise that the union emerged for the sake of joint actions, while theoretical differences undoubtedly remain. In the opinion of the group's founders, a number of issues are still subject to debate. Among them is the refinement of the concept of practice – namely, whether there is a distinction between theory and practice, or whether academic theory, learning and teaching can be considered practices. There is also a need to clarify the understanding of the concept of community in the environment of blurring of face-to-face communities, and whether there is a need to develop a collective action strategy in the absence of community. There is even discussion around the basic vocabulary terms of the group, subversion and transformation. There is debate about the limits of the subversion and transformation of the dominant definitions of education and the forms of institutional power. In our opinion, the long list of discussion points proves that the process of integration was not a simple matter. The task of modernising the education system in Ukraine needs the same broad coalition, in the middle of which there will undoubtedly be a number of controversial theoretical issues. However, the common ground principles and purpose would allow us to unite in critical conditions, as it happened in the UK. The consideration of the theoretical intentions of critical pedagogy and popular education, the clarification of the underlying conditions and the purpose of their unification into a single group in the UK allows us to renew our vision of the place of education in public life.Key words: critical pedagogy, Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group, popular education, modernisation of education system.

Ukraine, like most countries in the world, has faced a number of problematic issues in various spheres of public life under the coronavirus pandemic. Ukraine is a post-communist country. Since 2014, an armed conflict has been going on in the eastern territories of Ukraine. This threatened the lives of thousands of people who were forced to flee their homes. Today there are about 1.5 million forced internal migrants in Ukraine. The coronavirus pandemic, combined with the ongoing armed conflict, could potentially lead to political instability and act as a catalyst for the economic crisis in Ukraine. The coronavirus pandemic has raised the issue of information security for Ukraine. Manipulation of information on COVID-19 poses a security threat from destructive information and psychological influences on Ukrainian citizens. The content analysis highlighted the dominant destructive myths about the COVID-19 epidemic, which are most prevalent in the public consciousness of Ukrainians. It is noted that the low level of information literacy of the population leads to the inability of people to ensure their own information security. The peaks of manipulative coronavirus materials growth in the media space of Ukraine were traced. It was stated that the coronavirus pandemic has become a test of responsibility for the Ukrainian public authorities. With all the levers of influence, the Ukrainian authorities were largely unprepared to develop timely and effective mechanisms to counter the destructive information and psychological influences associated with the COVID-19 pandemic. The inefficiency of the authorities was most often manifested either in the slow response to the challenges and destructive informational and psychological threats to the COVID-19 epidemic, or in the disregard of these threats ; Пандемія коронавірусу актуалізувала проблематику інформаційної безпеки для України. Маніпуляція інформацією стосовно проблематики COVID-19 становить загрозу захищеності громадян України від деструктивних ...