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This article offers a transnational account of the historical origins and development of the concept of 'global psyche' and transcultural psychiatry. It argues that the concept of universal, global psyche emerged in the aftermath of the Second World War and during decolonization, when West European psychiatry strove to leave behind its colonial legacies and lay the foundation for a more inclusive conversation between Western and non-Western mental health communities. In the second half of the twentieth century, leading 'psy' professionals across the globe set about identifying and defining the universal psychological mechanisms supposedly shared among all cultures (and 'civilizations'). The article explores this far-reaching psychiatric, social and cultural search for a new definition of 'common humanity', relating it to the social and political history of decolonization, and to the post-war reconstruction and search for stable peace. It provides a transnational account of a series of interlinked developments and trends around the world in order to arrive at a global history of the decolonization of mental health science.

By drawing on postcolonial feminist discourse and Hamid Naficy's (2001) notion of 'accented' cinema, in particular his approach of combining the interstitial position of exilic and diasporic filmmakers with concepts of authorship and genre, this paper explores the intersection between biographical film, gendered rewriting of history, and self-narrative as a site of resistance to nationalist and patriarchal ideologies in Shirin Neshat's Looking for Oum Kulthum (2017). I argue that Neshat's authorial style and her position as an exilic artist inflect the biographical film in its traditional form, showcasing an innovative perspective on the genre, restructuring it to reveal the constructedness of not only a cinematic process, but also of history and historical figures. Blending the stories of a present-day Iranian woman filmmaker and the professional life of the legendary Egyptian singer Oum Kulthum, Neshat displaces the biopic from its Western-centric roots by explicitly opening it up to a discourse of contemporary gender politics in the Middle East. In doing so, she exposes the social forces that shape the production of the biopic in relation to the notion of female authorship in the context of the transcultural circuits and feminist reclaiming of Oum Kulthum's international stardom.

This article looks at the fields of psychoanalysis and psychiatry to read socialist Yugoslavia's complex international and political position. It argues that the history of postwar mental health professions in this country opens up a larger social and political story of liberalization and authoritarianism in socialist Eastern Europe. After 1948, the conflict with the Cominform, and split with the USSR, Yugoslavia went on to receive Western material help, as well as political support, and developed its own more liberal and internationally open brand of socialism, predicated on the ideas of workers' self-management and nonalignment. Yugoslav psychiatry and psychoanalysis became the most liberalized and Westernized professions in the region, but they also contributed to the operation of the violent "re-education" program at Goli Otok, the most authoritarian and repressive political project in Yugoslav history aimed at "re-educating" pro-Stalinists in the Yugoslav Communist Party. In this article, those two sides of the Yugoslav psychiatric profession will be demonstrated through the prism of self-management. First, the article discusses the application of psychotherapeutic techniques and self-management in the violent context of re-education camps for political prisoners. A similar combination of psychoanalysis and principles of self-management in "civilian" and Westernized child psychiatry is analysed in the second part. The article shows how these very similar notions and ideological principles could be used within the same sociopolitical framework and by the same profession but for radically different purposes.

This article analyzes how the ideological discourse of the Croatian fascist movement (the Ustaa) evolved in the course of World War II under pressures of the increasingly popular and powerful communist armed resistance. It explores and interprets the way the regime formulated its ideological responses to the political/ideological challenge of the leftist guerrilla and its propaganda in the period after the proclamation of the Ustaa Independent State of Croatia in 1941 until the end of the war. The author demonstrates that the regime, faced with its own political weakness and inability to maintain authority, shaped its rhetoric and ideological self-definition in a direct dialogue with the Marxist discourse of the communist propaganda, incorporating important Marxist concepts in its theory of state and society and redefining its concepts of national boundaries and racial identity to match the communists' propaganda of inclusive, civic national Yugoslavism. This massive ideological renegotiation of the movement's basic tenets and its consequent leftward shift reflected a change in an opposite direction from the one commonly encountered in narratives of other fascisms' ideological evolution paths (most notably in Italy and Germany): as the movement became a regime, the Ustaa transformed from its initial conservatism, traditionalism (in both sociopolitical and cultural matters), pseudo-feudal worldview of peasant worship and antiurbanism, anti-Semitism, and rigid racialism in relation to nation and state into an ideology of increasingly inclusive, culture-based, and nonethnic nationalism and with an exceptionally strong leftist rhetoric of social welfare, class struggle, and the rights of the working class. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright the American Council of Learned Societies.]

This article analyzes how the ideological discourse of the Croatian fascist movement (the Ustaša) evolved in the course of World War II under pressures of the increasingly popular and powerful communist armed resistance. It explores and interprets the way the regime formulated its ideological responses to the political/ideological challenge of the leftist guerrilla and its propaganda in the period after the proclamation of the Ustaša Independent State of Croatia in 1941 until the end of the war. The author demonstrates that the regime, faced with its own political weakness and inability to maintain authority, shaped its rhetoric and ideological self-definition in a direct dialogue with the Marxist discourse of the communist propaganda, incorporating important Marxist concepts in its theory of state and society and redefining its concepts of national boundaries and racial identity to match the communists' propaganda of inclusive, civic national Yugoslavism. This massive ideological renegotiation of the movement's basic tenets and its consequent leftward shift reflected a change in an opposite direction from the one commonly encountered in narratives of other fascisms' ideological evolution paths (most notably in Italy and Germany): as the movement became a regime, the Ustaša transformed from its initial conservatism, traditionalism (in both sociopolitical and cultural matters), pseudo-feudal worldview of peasant worship and antiurbanism, anti-Semitism, and rigid racialism in relation to nation and state into an ideology of increasingly inclusive, culture-based, and nonethnic nationalism and with an exceptionally strong leftist rhetoric of social welfare, class struggle, and the rights of the working class.

This article argues, after explaining the theory of just war, that the US-led invasion on Iraq was not morally justified. Furthermore, it explains why democratization cannot be a justification for aggression, neither from the legal nor from the ethical point of view. In addition, this article claims that the immorality of the war has been a crucial factor, because it has caused a low level of public support for the war and, consequently, has led to American military failures and failure of other coalition forces in Iraq. Finally, the author concludes that the Iraq war has shown that we do not live in a unipolar system of international relations and that the power of the USA was overestimated prior to the war. Adapted from the source document.

This article argues, after explaining the theory of just war, that the US-led invasion on Iraq was not morally justified. Furthermore, it explains why democratization cannot be a justification for aggression, neither from the legal nor from the ethical point of view. In addition, this article claims that the immorality of the war has been a crucial factor, because it has caused a low level of public support for the war and, consequently, has led to American military failures and failure of other coalition forces in Iraq. Finally, the author concludes that the Iraq war has shown that we do not live in a unipolar system of international relations and that the power of the USA was overestimated prior to the war. Adapted from the source document.

This article analyzes possible procedures for political secession. After a literature review of theories of secession, the article presents the main arguments against & for secession. Than, on the basis of "no-fault" theory, this article proposes a procedure for secession. Furthermore, this procedure is empirically tested through analyses of secessions from former Yugoslavia. The main hypothesis is that secession is justified in two cases: first, when secession occurs as a result of consensus of all the main actors, including central government, &, second, when at least two-third majority of population supports secession. References. Adapted from the source document.

The electoral campaigns & the results of the January 2005 Croatian presidential election are covered. An overview of the Croatian political system is presented, and the principal candidates in the 2005 presidential election are identified. Several issues that dominated the electoral campaign are highlighted: the extradition of suspected war criminals to international legal bodies; the inclusion of Croatia in future European expansion; & the use of Croatian pipelines to transport oil from Russia to the Adriatic Sea. Although favored candidates Stjepan Mesic & Jadranka Kosor succeeded to the second round run-off, it is contended that Boris Miksics strong performance during the first round demonstrates the Croatian publics growing disenchantment with the nation's political elite. Questions concerning the influence of the national media on Mesics overriding victory in the second round & the extent of electoral corruption are also answered. It is concluded that Mesics credibility as a presidential candidate & consideration of important foreign relations & security issues during the campaign contributed to his electoral success. Tables, References. J. W. Parker