Suchergebnisse

Orange is the New Black (Netflix, 2013-2019) est une série américaine qui relate les aventures de Piper Chapman, jeune bourgeoise blanche, condamnée à une peine de prison dans le pénitencier fédéral de Litchfield. Bien qu'introduite comme œuvre d'origine comique, narrant les premiers pas de Piper dans le milieu carcéral, la série abandonne peu à peu le modèle de l'unique protagoniste pour adopter une stratégie de récit choral, s'attardant sur la multiplicité et diversité des personnages, et s'inscrit, au fur et à mesure des saisons, dans une dynamique de dramédie abordant, avec nuances de tons, les questions politico-sociales ultra-contemporaines des États-Unis. En octobre 2017, alors que la série entame le tournage de sa sixième saison, l'affaire Weinstein éclate. Le célèbre producteur de cinéma est accusé de harcèlement sexuel et de viol par de nombreuses actrices. Peu de temps après, le mouvement #MeToo fait son apparition sur les réseaux sociaux, encourageant les femmes victimes de harcèlement sexuel à témoigner. Une déferlante de dénonciations est alors publiée par les victimes engendrant la chute de plusieurs hommes de pouvoir. Foncièrement engagée dans la lutte féministe, la série aborde la question du harcèlement sexuel depuis le lancement de sa première saison mais l'affaire Weinstein et le mouvement #MeToo en ont-ils fait évoluer la représentation ? Pour tenter de répondre à cette question, je débuterai par une présentation générale des faits de harcèlement sexuel dans Orange is the New Black. Comment l'emprise, à la fois mentale et physique, est-elle projetée sur un médium audiovisuel ? Quels choix cinématographiques, scénaristiques et scéniques permettent la transmission du sentiment d'emprise ? Quels sont les effets recherchés ? Puis, j'analyserai, dans une seconde et troisième partie, les différences de traitements du harcèlement sexuel respectivement dans l'ère pré #MeToo (saisons 1 à 5) et post #MeToo (saisons 6 et 7). Les conséquences au harcèlement sexuel sont-elles existantes ? Quelles sont-elles ? Qui écrit et réalise les épisodes axés sur les questions du harcèlement sexuel ? La prise de parole des femmes est-elle encouragée ? De quelles manières ?

Orange is the New Black (Netflix, 2013-2019) est une série américaine qui relate les aventures de Piper Chapman, jeune bourgeoise blanche, condamnée à une peine de prison dans le pénitencier fédéral de Litchfield. Bien qu'introduite comme œuvre d'origine comique, narrant les premiers pas de Piper dans le milieu carcéral, la série abandonne peu à peu le modèle de l'unique protagoniste pour adopter une stratégie de récit choral, s'attardant sur la multiplicité et diversité des personnages, et s'inscrit, au fur et à mesure des saisons, dans une dynamique de dramédie abordant, avec nuances de tons, les questions politico-sociales ultra-contemporaines des États-Unis. En octobre 2017, alors que la série entame le tournage de sa sixième saison, l'affaire Weinstein éclate. Le célèbre producteur de cinéma est accusé de harcèlement sexuel et de viol par de nombreuses actrices. Peu de temps après, le mouvement #MeToo fait son apparition sur les réseaux sociaux, encourageant les femmes victimes de harcèlement sexuel à témoigner. Une déferlante de dénonciations est alors publiée par les victimes engendrant la chute de plusieurs hommes de pouvoir. Foncièrement engagée dans la lutte féministe, la série aborde la question du harcèlement sexuel depuis le lancement de sa première saison mais l'affaire Weinstein et le mouvement #MeToo en ont-ils fait évoluer la représentation ? Pour tenter de répondre à cette question, je débuterai par une présentation générale des faits de harcèlement sexuel dans Orange is the New Black. Comment l'emprise, à la fois mentale et physique, est-elle projetée sur un médium audiovisuel ? Quels choix cinématographiques, scénaristiques et scéniques permettent la transmission du sentiment d'emprise ? Quels sont les effets recherchés ? Puis, j'analyserai, dans une seconde et troisième partie, les différences de traitements du harcèlement sexuel respectivement dans l'ère pré #MeToo (saisons 1 à 5) et post #MeToo (saisons 6 et 7). Les conséquences au harcèlement sexuel sont-elles existantes ? Quelles ...

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the industrialised countries had no guidelines for protecting children. From the time of its creation, the League of Nations has been interested in improving the situation of children and expanding their rights. To accomplish just that, the Child Welfare Committee was created in 1919. The creation of said Committee was the first action taken by the international community in a matter that was not to be left to the sole discretion of the states. That same year, the Englishwoman Eglantyne Jebb and her sister Dorothy founded Save the Children, which evolved very quickly and, in 1920, gave way to the establishment of the International Save the Children Union, headquartered in Geneva. In 1924, the League of Nations approved the Geneva Declaration of the Rights of the Child, drafted by Eglantyne Jebb herself. The first big challenge that said legal doctrine and the partnership in favour of children's rights came up against was the Spanish Civil War. The first great movement of refugee children featured the children of the Basque Country, who were welcomed in Great Britain. Let us take a look at this case as an example of the practical side of the first legal doctrine on children's rights. On 21 May 1937, over 3,800 Basque children arrived at the port of Southampton, accompanied by just over two hundred adults. The British created the "Basque Children's Committee", chaired by the Duchess of Atholl, and the Basque government was in charge of organising the escape expedition. These children lived for four months in tents in a camp in Eastleigh, supported by voluntary contributions, particularly by left-wing English organisations, before they were sent to homes and organised 'colonies' spread throughout the United Kingdom. ; roldan.jimeno@unavarra.es ; Universidad Pública de Navarra (Public University of Navarre, Spain) ; --- , Dimensions transnationales et locales de l'histoire des droits de l'enfant. La Société des Nations et les cultures politiques canadiennes, "Genèses" 2008, 71. ; --- , International Child Saving, [in:] Fass P. (ed.), The Routledge History of Childhood in the Western World, London 2015. ; --- , Niños vascos evacuados a Gran Bretaña, 1937-1940, Bilbao, Asociación de Niños Evacuados el 37, 1991. ; --- , The 'Niños vascos'. Memory and memorialisation of the Basque refugee children of the Spanish Civil War in the UK, Vitoria-Gasteiz 2011. ; --- , The Rise of Coordinated Action for Children in War and Peace. Experts at the League of Nations, 1924–1945, [in:] Shaping the Transnational Sphere. Experts, Networks and Issues from the 1840s to the 1930s, eds. D. Rodogno, B. Struck, J. Vogel, New York 2015. ; Alted Vigil A., González Martell R., Millán Trujillo M. J., El exilio de los niños, Madrid 2003. ; Alted Vigil A., Nicolás Marín E., González Martell R., Los niños de la guerra de España en la Unión Soviética : de la evacuación al retorno (1937-1999), Madrid 1999. ; Antecedentes, Actas y Trabajos del Cuarto Congreso Panamericano del Niño, celebrado en Santiago de Chile en el Palacio del Congreso Nacional, los días 12 a 19 de octubre de 1924, Santiago de Chile 1925, 5 vols. ; Arrien G., La Generación del exilio : génesis de las Escuelas Vascas y las Colonias Escolares (1932-1940), Bilbao 1983. ; Baughan E., Every Citizen of Empire Implored to Save the Children. Empire, Internationalism and the Save the Children Fund in Inter-war Britain, "Historical Research" 2013, vol. 86, no. 231. ; Bell A., Only for Three Months: The Basque Children in Exile, Norwich 1996. ; Bennett A., The Geneva Convention: The Hidden Origins of the Red Cross, Gloucestershire 2005. ; Brown I., 4,000 Basque Child Refugees. Britain's Response to the Victims of the Spanish Civil War, Durham 2018. ; Buchanan T., Britain and the Spanish Civil War, Cambridge 1997. ; Buxton D., Fuller, E., The White Flame. The Story of the Save the Children Fund, New York-London 1931. ; Carballés A., Jesús J., El primer exilio de los vascos, 1936-1939, "Historia Contemporánea" 2007, 35. ; Cloud Y., The basque children in England. An account of their life at North Stoneham Camp, London 1937. ; Cortés Braña M. L., Ayuda humanitaria a los niños europeos víctimas de la Primera y Segunda Guerra Mundial, Barcelona 2015, Doctoral Thesis. ; Chauvière M., Lenoël P., Pierre É. (dir.), Protéger l'enfant : raison juridique et pratiques socio-judiciaires, XIXe-XXe siècles, Rennes 1996. ; Droux J., L'internationalisation de la protection de l'enfance: acteurs, concurrences et projets transnationaux (1900–1925), "Critique Internationale" 2011, 52. ; Dupont-Bouchat M.-S., Le mouvement international en faveur de la protection de l'enfance (1880-1914), "Revue d'histoire de l'enfance irrégulière" 2003, 5. ; Dupont-Bouchat M.-S., Pierre É. (ed.), Enfance et justice au XIXe siècle : essais d'histoire comparée de la protection de l'enfance (1820-1914), France, Belgique, Pays-Bas, Canada, Paris 2001. ; Dwork D., Children with a Star: Jewish Youth in Nazi Europe, New Haven and London 1991. ; Dwork D., War Is Good for Babies & Other Young Children: A History of the Infant and Child Welfare Movement in England. 1898-1918, London and New York 1987. ; Freud A., Burlingham D., War and Children, New York 1943. ; Fuller E., The Right of the Child. A Chapter in Social History, London 1951. ; Fyrth J., The signal that was Spain. The Aid to Spain movement in Britain, 1936-1939, Lawrence & Wishart 1986. ; J. G. L., Tribute to the Memory of Eglantyne Jebb, "International Review of the Red Cross" 1976, 188. ; Kerber-Ganse W., Die Menschenrechte des Kindes. Die UN-Kinderrechtskonvention und die Pädagogik von Janusz Korczak. Versuch einer Perspektivenverschränkung, Opladen 2009. ; Legarreta D., The Guernica Generation : Basque Refugee Children of the Spanish Civil War, Reno 1984. ; Lewin A. (ed.), Janusz Korczak, Bibliografia 1896-1942, Heinsberg 1985. ; Macardle D., Children of Europe: A Study of the Children of Liberated Countries; Their Wartime Experiences, Their Reactions, and Their Needs, with a Note on Germany, London 1949. ; Manning L., A Life for Education, London 1970. ; Marks J., The Hidden Children: The Secret Survivors of the Holocaust, New York 1993. ; Marshall D., The Construction of Children as an Object of International Relations: The Declaration of Children's Rights and the Child Welfare Committee of League of Nations, 1900-1924, "The International Journal of Children's Rights" 1999, 7. ; Martín Casasa J., Carvajal Urquijo P., El exilio español (1936-1978), Barcelona 2006. ; Morier A., La Déclaration des Droits de l'Enfant, "Revue Internationale de la Croix-Rouge" 1963, vol. 55, no 533. ; Mulley C., The Woman Who Saved the Children: A Biography of Eglantyne Jebb, Founder of Save the Children, Oxford 2009. ; Nash G. H., The Life of Herbert Hoover, New York , 1983, 3 vols. ; Nicholas L. H., Cruel World: The Children of Europe in the Nazi Web, New York and Toronto 2006. ; Pons Prades E., Los Niños republicanos en la guerra de España, Barcelona 2005. ; Premier Congrès international de la protection de l'enfance, Bruxelles, 1913, Bruxelles 1913. ; Revest M., La protection de l'enfance devant la Société des Nations, Paris 1936. ; Roberts S., Exhibiting children at risk: child art, international exhibitions and Save the Children Fund in Vienna, 1919-1923, "Paedagogica Historica" 2009, 45. ; Rooke P., Schnell R. L., Uncramping Child Life : International Children's Organizations, 1914-1939 [in:] International Health Organizations and Movements, ed. P. Weindling, Cambridge 1995. ; Sabín-Fernández S., The Basque refugee children of the Spanish Civil War in the UK: memory and memorialisation, Southampton 20`10, Doctoral Thesis. ; Slim H. (ed.), Children and Childhood in Emergency Policy and Practice. 1919-1994. Monograph Review: Disasters: The Journal of Disaster Studies and Management, vol. 18, no. 3, Oxford and Cambridge 1993. ; Sosnowski K., The Tragedy of Children under the Nazi Rule, Poznan 1962. ; Stornig K., Between Christian Solidarity and Human Solidarity: Humanity and the Mobilisation of Aid for Distant Children in Catholic Europe in the Long 19th Century, [in:] Humanity – A History of European Concepts in Practice, ed. F. Klose, M. Thulin, Göttingen 2016. ; Strong-Boag V., Liberal Hearts and Coronets: The Lives and Times of Ishbel Marjoribanks Gordon and John Campbell Gordon, the Aberdeens, Toronto 2015. ; Veerman P. E., The Rights of the Child and the Changing Image of Childhood, Nijhoff 1992. ; Wilson F., Eglantyne Jebb, Rebel Daughter of a Country House, London 1967. ; Zahra T., The Lost Children: Reconstructing Europe's Families after World War II, Cambridge, MA and London 2011. ; 19 ; 1 ; 143 ; 166

After years of stalemate, attracting investment in the energy sector to mitigate electricityshortages and meet rising demand are top priorities for Argentina. To this end,the new government has established main goals of increasing shale gas productionand fostering renewable energy deployment and development while drastically reducingenergy subsidies. However, investments in renewables and unconventional gas arehighly capital intensive and require long-term guarantees, while Argentina still lacksinternational financial trust. To recover financial trust, the current administration isseeking international agreements with the main financial institutions as well as the USand the EU.

South America is a region that has received little attention in the literature dealing with renewable energy policy politics. Yet, it is a region in dramatic transition and this makes it an important case for examination. In this dissertation, Argentina and Uruguay, two countries that are experiencing rapid socioeconomic and electricity transition, are compared in relation to their energy policies related to electricity supply. The aim of this study is to compare the similarities and differences of energy policies in the two countries¬––from two selected electricity systems––explaining why and how certain policy ideas, understandings or beliefs (but not others) were adopted in their energy policies. This comparative case study of the historical policy process of energy policy seeks to understand why the countries showed different commitments to different forms of energy and how the development of renewable energy in particular can be explained in each case, all the while trying to identify supportive and hindering factors. Additionally, attention is given to the evolution of the German and French nuclear and/or renewable energy policies as they provide good examples in relation to their different energy choices. While Germany––together with Spain, Denmark, and California––is considered one of the worldwide pioneers in the deployment of wind and renewable energy, France––together with Canada, Japan, Sweden, and US––is deemed to be a reference in nuclear energy. This dissertation examines what can be learned from these two countries and whether there are elements that might be interesting to apply in Argentina and Uruguay for a better understanding of the policy process in these two countries. Both Argentina and Uruguay have faced energy supply shortages since the mid 2000s. Yet, while Argentina decided to focus more on increasing nuclear power and start developing some renewable energy, Uruguay rejected nuclear power and decided to begin significant development of renewable energy. The paradox is that having one ...

ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATIONThe Role of Social Capital and Collaborative Negotiations in Multiple Species Habitat Conversation PlansbyNancy A. JimenoDoctor of Philosophy, Graduate Program in Political ScienceUniversity of California, Riverside, June 2012Dr. Juliann Allison, ChairpersonHabitat Conservation Plans (HCPs) were established by Congress in 1982 as an amendment to the way the federal Endangered Species Act is implemented on private property. HCPs are an example of a negotiation structure that is established within a legal framework which acts as an "institutional channel" mandating collaborative negotiations and consensus-based decision making. This dissertation examines how competing stakeholders, working within a collaborative negotiation process toward a common goal, establish Multiple Species Habitat Conservation Plans (MSHCP). I argue that the collaborative negotiation model inherent in the MSHCP process fosters social capital that acts as a catalyst, drawing those with divergent ideologies and opposing interests into productive negotiations and toward reaching a workable compromise. Participants negotiate their own regulatory terms, working under a strong legal framework that provides assurances that their "voices" have been heard. While the result may be a consensus that is not preferred by individual participants, it is a consensus that participants as a whole agree they are willing to live with. When a compromise is reached, it is deemed legitimate and is therefore less likely to face legal challenge.

This article asks questions about the relationship between private experiences and the behavior in public life. The conceptual point of origin is the possible proximity between the personal and political body. Particularly, the question is asked in which way the actions of citizens that have experienced violence are affected. As Frederico Neiburg proposes, normative visions disqualify the combination of politics and personal conflicts, treating them as survival of a premodern past and describing them as a spectacle. Good politics is imagined "as the dominion of rational and abstract men and women, free of personal connections." Exactly in the exacerbation of the neoliberal model of the isolated, rational individual it is more difficult to appreciate how certain experiences of constructing meaning in private life are projected onto public life. That is why this text is oriented at discussing some commonplaces with which we associate violent action, because they allow us to go beyond, whenever possible, a narrow conception of individualist, economicist or minimalist citizenship. ; El artículo se pregunta por las relaciones entre experiencias en la esfera privada y el comportamiento en la vida pública. El punto conceptual de partida es la proximidad posible entre el cuerpo personal y el cuerpo político. En particular se plantea de qué manera se afecta la acción como ciudadanos de las personas que han experimentado violencia personal. Como lo plantea Federico Neiburg, las visiones normativas descalifican la combinación entre política y conflictos personales tratándolos como sobre vivencias de un pasado premoderno y describiéndolos como espectáculo. La buena política es imaginada «como el dominio de hombres y mujeres racionales y abstractos, libres de lazos personales». Justamente en la exacerbación del modelo neoliberal de individuo racional, aislado, se hace más difícil apreciar la forma en que ciertas experiencias de construcción de significado en la vida privada se proyectan sobre la pública. Por ello este texto se orienta a discutir algunos lugares comunes con los que asociamos la acción violenta, pues nos permiten sobrepasar, en lo posible, una estrecha concepción de ciudadanía, individualista, economicista o minimalista. ; O artigo pergunta-se pelas relações entre experiências na esfera privada e o comportamento na vida pública. O ponto conceitual de partida é a proximidade possível entre o corpo Pessoal e o corpo político. Em particular se expor de que maneira afeta-se a ação como cidadãos das pesoas que tem tido experimentado a violência Pessoal. Como expor Federico Neiburg, as visões normativas desqualificam a combinação entre política e conflitos pessoais tentando-os como sobre vivências dum passado pré moderno onde se descreve como um espectáculo. A boa política é imaginada «como o domínio dos homens e das mulheres racionais e abstratos, livres de laços pessoais». Justamente na exacerbação do modelo neo-liberal do individuo racional, isolado, se faz mais difícil apreciar a forma em que certas experiências de construção de significado na vida privada projetam-se na pública. Por isso este texto orienta-se a discutir alguns lugares comuns con os que associamos a ação violenta, pois permitem-nos superar, no possível, uma estreita concepção de ciudadanía, individualista, economicista o minimalista.