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The article analyzes the guiding imperatives behind Russia's grand strategy in the Mideast, including both its domestic decision-making institutional idiosyncrasies and the wider geopolitical considerations at play. It discusses the evolution of Russian strategy after the so-called "Arab Spring" events and into the present day, taking care to individually analyze Moscow's most important bilateral relationships. The review begins by addressing Russia's anti-terrorist intervention in Syria, before progressing to some words about the two competing foreign policy factions present in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. After outlining the key differences between the Liberal and Military-Security camps, the work then broadly explains how their rivalry figures into the formulation of Russia's overall grand strategy in the Mideast. Following that, it logically proceeds to examine the other bilateral relationships that are of significance to Moscow, beginning with Turkey, Iraq, and Israel, and ending with Saudi Arabia and Iran. The goal of the research is to establish a very general understanding of how Russia's foreign policy is presently practiced in the Mideast, how and why it got to where it is today, and forecast on the prospects for its further development. In doing this, the article relies on empirical observations and references several under-discussed news items that have evaded wider scrutiny. It also makes use of a few academic sources in proving that the geopolitical environment in which Russia conducts its present foreign policy was largely shaped by the US' legacy of Hybrid Wars on the region, which in hindsight created fertile ground for the revolution in Russia's Mideast strategy. In summary, Russia seeks to replace the US as the Mideast countries' most preferred and trusted partner, capitalizing off of Washington's decline in regional influence brought about by the disastrous rise of Daesh and the controversial perceptions over the Iranian nuclear deal in order to fill the strategic void that's been created in America's wake, and as of the end of 2016, Moscow has been wildly successful.

Book Review: Savin, Leonid. Ordo Pluriversalis. The End of Pax Americana and the Rise of Multipolarity. Black House Publishing Ltd, 2020The world is in the midst of a systemic transition from unipolarity to multipolarity, which has prompted many experts to think deeply about the future of the international order. Leonid Savin, a leading figure of the International Eurasian Movement, is one such expert. His latest book, «Ordo Pluriversalis: The End Of Pax Americana And The Rise Of Multipolarity», covers a wide range of topics in arguing that the coming world order will be a post-liberal one characterized by civilizations acting similar to how nationstates presently do in the current order. Savin reveals how a rich diversity of social, political, religious, legal, and other systems have survived the brief period of American-led liberal unipolarity, which will lay the basis for the coming reorganization of international (or it should be said, intercivilizational) relations. Intriguingly, since one of the foundations of this worldview is that these various systems will become more prominent in the wake ofAmerica's decline, he also attempts to incorporate many social theories into the field of political science to account for the increasingly complex nature of inter-entity relations. Savin's work is therefore practical but also highly theoretical, though this review simplifies the gist of his ideas by focusing only on the most important ones which contribute to his conclusion of nation-state-like civilization-level actors becoming a subject in global affairs. ; Рецензия на книгу: Savin, Leonid. Ordo Pluriversalis. The End of Pax Americana and the Rise of Multipolarity. Black House Publishing Ltd, 2020.Мир находится в процессе системного перехода от однополярного к многополярному устройству, что побуждает многих аналитиков всерьез задуматься о будущем международном порядке. Среди таких экспертов – Леонид Савин, один из деятелей «Международного евразийского движения». Его очередная книга, «Ordo Pluriversalis. Возрождение многополярного мироустройства», охватывает широкий спектр тем, доказывая, что грядущий мировой порядок будет пост-либеральным, характеризующимся цивилизациями, чьи действия будут аналогичны действиям национальных государств на современном этапе. Савин показывает, как социальные, политические, религиозные, правовые и иные системы в своем богатом разнообразии пережили краткий период либеральной однополярности, ведомой США, которая заложит основу предстоящей реорганизации международных (возможно следует сказать межцивилизационных) отношений.Интерес вызывает тот факт, что поскольку одной из основ подобной мировоззренческой позиции является понимание, что эти разнообразные системы станут более значимыми в результате ослабления роли Америки, автор стремится включить многие социальные теории в область политологии для объяснения усложняющейся природы межсубъектных отношений. Таким образом, книга Савина имеет как практическую направленность, так и теоретическую составляющую. Данное резюме представляет суть идей автора в упрощенной форме.

The ongoing global systemic transition is transforming international relations from its erstwhile unipolarity to what experts agree is either multipolarity or, less popularly, bipolarity. However one chooses to describe the present world order, it's clear that the US and China are the main global players, which places Russia and India – decades-long strategic partners – in a junior position vis-a-vis both of them, especially their mutual Chinese neighbor with whom they share membership in BRICS and the SCO. The neorealist school of International Relations Theory preaches the need to pursue national interests, which sometimes align with others', and it is argued in the article that it is with this idea in mind that both countries have a motivation to jointly improve their strategic positions relative to the People's Republic, albeit in a non-hostile manner that avoids the risk of inadvertently triggering a security dilemma and reversing the recent gains made in Eurasian integration.Two articles published by Russia's Valdai Club in 2019 indicated the possibility of creating a new Non-Aligned Movement, with the most recent one proposing that it be jointly led by Russia and India in order to advance the aforementioned neo-realist objective of balancing China. This suggestion is very intriguing and deserves some further elaboration, to which end the present research was conducted in order to place the new Non-Aligned Movement proposal in a strategic context relevant to the ongoing global systemic transition. Nearly a dozen articles and reports by Russian experts were analyzed, resulting in the conclusion that the proposal is a promising one but requires much more research into its challenges and opportunities in order to become more than just a proposed concept. In the event that any tangible progress is made on it, however, it must be done so extremely carefully in order for China not to misunderstand its intentions.

The article analyzes the guiding imperatives behind Russia's grand strategy in the Mideast, including both its domestic decision-making institutional idiosyncrasies and the wider geopolitical considerations at play. It discusses the evolution of Russian strategy after the so-called "Arab Spring" events and into the present day, taking care to individually analyze Moscow's most important bilateral relationships. The review begins by addressing Russia's anti-terrorist intervention in Syria, before progressing to some words about the two competing foreign policy factions present in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. After outlining the key differences between the Liberal and Military-Security camps, the work then broadly explains how their rivalry figures into the formulation of Russia's overall grand strategy in the Mideast. Following that, it logically proceeds to examine the other bilateral relationships that are of significance to Moscow, beginning with Turkey, Iraq, and 'Israel', and ending with Saudi Arabia and Iran. The goal of the research is to establish a very general understanding of how Russia's foreign policy is presently practiced in the Mideast, how and why it got to where it is today, and forecast on the prospects for its further development. In doing this, the article relies on empirical observations and references several under-discussed news items that have evaded wider scrutiny. It also makes use of a few academic sources in proving that the geopolitical environment in which Russia conducts its present foreign policy was largely shaped by the US' legacy of Hybrid Wars on the region, which in hindsight created fertile ground for the revolution in Russia's Mideast strategy. In summary, Russia seeks to replace the US as the Mideast countries' most preferred and trusted partner, capitalizing off of Washington's decline in regional influence brought about by the disastrous rise of Daesh and the controversial perceptions over the Iranian nuclear deal in order to fill the strategic void that's been created in America's wake, and as of the end of 2016, Moscow has been wildly successful.

Connectivity is one of the key trends of the 21st century, which Russia is fully embracing with its Greater Eurasian Partnership (GEP) in order to counteract the chaotic processes unleashed throughout the course of the ongoing systemic transition from unipolarity to multipolarity. This outlook sets forth the grand strategic task of integrating with some of the former countries of the erstwhile Soviet Union through the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and then further afield with the other regions of Eurasia in order to benefit from the growing cross-supercontinental trade between Europe and Asia. President Putin declared during the second Belt & Road Initiative (BRI) Forum in April 2019 that this Chinese-led project "rimes with Russia's idea to establish a Greater Eurasian Partnership" and that "The five EAEU member states have unanimously supported the idea of pairing the EAEU development and the Chinese Silk Road Economic Belt project". It naturally follows that the pairing of the EAEU with BRI would involve Russia improving its connectivity with the latter's flagship project of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in South Asia, thereby endowing Pakistan with an important role in the GEP. The rapidly improving relations between Moscow and Islamabad, as well as the peacemaking efforts undertaken by those two states and other stakeholders in Afghanistan across 2019, raise the prospect of a future trade corridor traversing through the countries between them and thus creating a new axis of Eurasian integration that would complete the first envisaged step of bringing the EAEU and BRI closer together. In pursuit of this multilaterally beneficial outcome, it's important to explain the policymaking and academic bases behind it so as to prove the viability of this proposal.

The article analyzes the guiding imperatives behind Russia's grand strategy in the Mideast, including both its domestic decision-making institutional idiosyncrasies and the wider geopolitical considerations at play. It discusses the evolution of Russian strategy after the so-called "Arab Spring" events and into the present day, taking care to individually analyze Moscow's most important bilateral relationships. The review begins by addressing Russia's anti-terrorist intervention in Syria, before progressing to some words about the two competing foreign policy factions present in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. After outlining the key differences between the Liberal and Military-Security camps, the work then broadly explains how their rivalry fi gures into the formulation of Russia's overall grand strategy in the Mideast. Following that, it logically proceeds to examine the other bilateral relationships that are of signifi cance to Moscow, beginning with Turkey, Iraq, and Israel, and ending with Saudi Arabia and Iran. The goal of the research is to establish a very general understanding of how Russia's foreign policy is presently practiced in the Mideast, how and why it got to where it is today, and forecast on the prospects for its further development. In doing this, the article relies on empirical observations and references several under-discussed news items that have evaded wider scrutiny. It also makes use of a few academic sources in proving that the geopolitical environment in which Russia conducts its present foreign policy was largely shaped by the US' legacy of Hybrid Wars on the region, which in hindsight created fertile ground for the revolution in Russia's Mideast strategy. In summary, Russia seeks to replace the US as the Mideast countries' most preferred and trusted partner, capitalizing off of Washington's decline in regional infl uence brought about by the disastrous rise of Daesh and the controversial perceptions over the Iranian nuclear deal in order to fi ll the strategic void that's been created in America's wake, and as of the end of 2016, Moscow has been wildly successful. ; В статье анализируются важнейшие установки, определяющие стратегию России на Ближнем Востоке, включая особенности принятия решений внутри страны на институциональном уровне и более широкие геополитические аспекты. Рассматривается развитие российской стратегии после событий так называемой «Арабской весны» до настоящего времени и отдельно разбираются важнейшие двусторонние связи Москвы. Обзор начинается с анализа проводимой Россией антитеррористической операции в Сирии, затем кратко упоминаются две соперничающие фракции дипломатов в российском Министерстве иностранных дел. Отмечая основные различия между лагерями либералов и силовиков, статья в общих чертах объясняет, как их соперничество вписывается в формирование общей большой стратегии внешнеполитической деятельности России на Ближнем Востоке. Далее последовательно рассматриваются важные для Москвы двусторонние отношения, начиная с Турции, Ирака и Израиля, и заканчивая отношениями с Саудовской Аравией и Ираном. Исследование ставит целью получить общее представление о том, как Россия проводит внешнюю политику на Ближнем Востоке, как и почему эта политика оказалась в своем нынешнем состоянии, и спрогнозировать перспективы ее дальнейшего развития. Статья опирается на эмпирические наблюдения и ссылки на сообщения СМИ, которые не получили достаточного обсуждения и широко не рассматривались. В ней также используются несколько научных источников, доказывающих, что геополитическая обстановка, в которой Россия проводит свою внешнюю политику, по большей части была сформирована наследием США, проводившими гибридные войны в регионе. В ретроспективе становится понятно, что тем самым была создана благодатная почва для революционных перемен в ближневосточной стратегии Москвы. Подводя итог вышесказанному, Россия стремится заменить США в качестве приоритетного и надежного партнера стран Ближнего Востока и заполнить образовавшийся стратегический вакуум, воспользовавшись ослаблением американского влияния в регионе, которые было вызвано подъемом Исламского государства с катастрофическими последствиями, а также спорами вокруг ядерной сделки с Ираном. К концу 2016 г. у России на этом направлении был бешеный успех.