Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Endorsements -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- 1. Introduction: The social world of Pakistan -- Self-conception, discourse, and position: Why social processes matter -- Researching Pakistan: Discussion on the case study Outline of the book -- 2. State socialization as role compatibility -- Socialization and foreign policy -- National role conceptions and role compatibility -- An interpretive approach to roles -- State identity in an interactionist perspective -- The model -- 3. Acquiring statehood and building social identity -- The creation of Pakistan and the acquisition of the role of sovereign state -- The military as primary voice for Pakistan: Exploring domestic role contestations in the country's early years and how it shaped Pakistan's contemporary self-role conception -- Social identity and normative boundaries -- Civilian oversight of the military as an international norm -- Domestic socialization and failure of civilian control in Pakistan -- From deviant to stigmatized: External process of stigmatization -- Managing the stigma -- Conclusion -- 4. Setting the stage: Pakistan and its significant others' NRCs -- Pakistan's NRCs -- India's roles and great power status-seeking -- American NRCs and their global structuring impact -- China's role definition as alternative dominant socializer -- Role salience -- Role salience in Pakistani NRCs, 2008-2018 -- Role salience in Indian NRCs, 2000-2018 -- Role salience in American NRCs, 2000-2018 -- Role salience in Chinese NRCs, 2000-2018 -- 5. Dealing with the other: The construction of India-Pakistan oppositional identities -- Stuck in the past -- Carrying the weight of the past -- The media and the entrenchment of roles -- Assessing responsibility to derail socialization efforts.

This article tries to illustrate the influence of the European Social Charter (1961) on the evolution of Belgian Social Law. The finding is that most of the pillars of the Belgian Social Model were already established before the late ratification of the Charter by Belgium, in 1990. Afterwards the case law of the European Committee of Social Rights (ECSR) pointed out some necessary adaptations. Some others have been decided by the ECSR as a response to some collective complaints directed against Belgium. This country considered the ratification of the Protocol introducing this procedure as a meaningful progress for all the Contracting Parties. It gives the civil society a direct access in the development of the Charter, but only 15 State Parties did ratify it. The article comments also on how Belgium is confronted, like other Parties, with the competing mutual influence of the Charter and the Community Law of the EU. The revised Charter (1996) was a major contribution in favour of more coherence between both legal orders. Belgium argued strongly for more explicit convergences. It seems desirable that both the EU Court and the ECSR try to deliver more visibility about the common rights and their complementarity. ; Dans cet article, l'auteur tente d'identifier les principaux facteurs d'influence sur le système social belge issus de la prise en compte des droits sociaux garantis par la Charte sociale européenne. Cette influence n'a été en réalité que marginale, car les piliers du système ont été élaborés, en l'absence de dispositions constitutionnelles sur les droits sociaux avant 1994, avant l'application de la Charte, dont la ratification fut tardive. Le pays a cependant soutenu les protocoles de même que la version révisée de la Charte. Les principaux facteurs repris sélectivement sont la jurisprudence dans le cadre d'un système moniste, qui reconnaît la primauté du droit international et du droit communautaire sur le droit interne, certaines conclusions du Comité européen des droits sociaux à l'appui des rapports périodiques du pays et certaines décisions du Comité à l'appui de réclamations collectives contre la Belgique. L'auteur pense que l'influence du droit communautaire européen fut plus déterminante, parce qu'il était obligatoire. L'article discute certains effets positifs et négatifs de l'application concurrente des deux corps de règles dans les pays concernés par le droit de l'Union européenne et les droits de la Charte. L'auteur pense qu'il y aurait lieu de pousser plus loin la coopération entre l'Union et le Conseil de l'Europe au bénéfice d'une plus claire interpénétration et d'une convergence plus évidente des droits sociaux. L'article se termine par un plaidoyer en faveur de la procédure de réclamations collectives qui a une portée de démocratie sociale dans les pays qui l'appliqueront. ; Dans cet article, l'auteur tente d'identifier les principaux facteurs d'influence sur le système social belge issus de la prise en compte des droits sociaux garantis par la Charte sociale européenne. Cette influence n'a été en réalité que marginale, car les piliers du système ont été élaborés, en l'absence de dispositions constitutionnelles sur les droits sociaux avant 1994, avant l'application de la Charte, dont la ratification fut tardive. Le pays a cependant soutenu les protocoles de même que la version révisée de la Charte. Les principaux facteurs repris sélectivement sont la jurisprudence dans le cadre d'un système moniste, qui reconnaît la primauté du droit international et du droit communautaire sur le droit interne, certaines conclusions du Comité européen des droits sociaux à l'appui des rapports périodiques du pays et certaines décisions du Comité à l'appui de réclamations collectives contre la Belgique. L'auteur pense que l'influence du droit communautaire européen fut plus déterminante, parce qu'il était obligatoire. L'article discute certains effets positifs et négatifs de l'application concurrente des deux corps de règles dans les pays concernés par le droit de l'Union européenne et les droits de la Charte. L'auteur pense qu'il y aurait lieu de pousser plus loin la coopération entre l'Union et le Conseil de l'Europe au bénéfice d'une plus claire interpénétration et d'une convergence plus évidente des droits sociaux. L'article se termine par un plaidoyer en faveur de la procédure de réclamations collectives qui a une portée de démocratie sociale dans les pays qui l'appliqueront.

The article discusses interpretive epistemology in international relations (IR) and its advantages to address the field's sociological composition, its scholars' identity, and knowledge structuration. The research proposes to engage in sociological reflexivity on IR methods and the way in which knowledge accumulation and structuration are driven by canonical assumptions of what are considered "normal"/"good" scientific procedures. The central argument focuses on interpretive epistemological approaches as possible venues for research to participate in the collective effort to address, and redress, the imbalance between the sociology of the field and its knowledge production and structuration processes. By allowing dialogue around meanings and interpretation among increasingly diverse members, an interpretive stance on IR opens the floor to criticism and rival interpretations. More specifically, the paper presents the methodology of interpretive phenomenological analysis as a method which both emphasizes context and actor specificity with regard to the subject of study and fully acknowledges the researcher's identity and voice in scientific inquiry.

Most research devoted to the application of social rights focuses entirely on the international human rights conventions' supervision systems, such as the European Social Charter, or argues about their case law. However, this essay explores, in retrospect, the reasons why there continues to be an unsatisfactory application of standards in many countries despite the number of international commitments taken by their governments. This can easily be explained by the failure to deliver sufficient instructions or means to the Administration implementing said rights. The present study aims at attracting greater interest from lawyers, legal researchers, and political science scholars, given the numerous challenges identified. Among these, we highlight the political difficulties stemming after conventions' authorization and signature procedures, legal controversies exacerbated by a context of multiple (economic, budgetary and health) crisis. Other important challenges worth highlighting are related to the competing standards in treaties dealing with the same social rights and between the European Social Charter and European Union law, as well as the lack of good institutional governance on the part of Administrations. These problems jeopardize the capacity of public administration to correctly deliver vis-à-vis claims of unfairness, inequality and discrimination towards those most in need of social rights, and vis-à-vis supervision committees which request comprehensive information regarding social systems. ; Cet essai, qui tourne un regard rétrospectif sur quelques années de supervision des droits sociaux par des Comités internationaux, notamment le Comité européen des droits sociaux, se distingue de la plupart d'autres études en ce sens qu'il ne cherche pas à commenter la jurisprudence du Comité, ni à discuter le système de contrôle de la Charte sociale européenne. Il s'agit plutôt d'explorer les raisons qui continuent à peser sur une application insatisfaisante des traités. La question est de savoir si les gouvernements ne sont pas un peu dépassés par les conséquences de leurs multiples engagements. Quelques difficultés politiques déjà apparues au moment de la négociation des textes; des controverses juridiques et aussi une déstabilisation de nombreux droits sociaux du fait des pressions issues d'un contexte de crises (économique, budgétaire et sanitaire); la concurrence de plusieurs normes internationales y compris celles de l'Union européenne, ainsi qu'une série de difficultés institutionnelles de mise en œuvre des droits par l'Administration, sont passées en revue afin d'intéresser davantage le monde juridique et le milieu académique et de la recherche à ces questions délicates. Elles déterminent la capacité de délivrance des pouvoirs publics au quotidien face aux demandes, injustices, inégalités et discriminations des justiciables et aussi aux demandes des organes de contrôle qui s'attendent à une bonne information sur les systèmes sociaux.

Cet essai, qui tourne un regard rétrospectif sur quelques années de supervision des droits sociaux par des Comités internationaux, notamment le Comité européen des droits sociaux, se distingue de la plupart d'autres études en ce sens qu'il ne cherche pas à commenter la jurisprudence du Comité, ni à discuter le système de contrôle de la Charte sociale européenne. Il s'agit plutôt d'explorer les raisons qui continuent à peser sur une application insatisfaisante des traités. La question est de savoir si les gouvernements ne sont pas un peu dépassés par les conséquences de leurs multiples engagements. Quelques difficultés politiques déjà apparues au moment de la négociation des textes; des controverses juridiques et aussi une déstabilisation de nombreux droits sociaux du fait des pressions issues d¿un contexte de crises (économique, budgétaire et sanitaire); la concurrence de plusieurs normes internationales y compris celles de l'Union européenne, ainsi qu'une série de difficultés institutionnelles de mise en œuvre des droits par l'Administration, sont passées en revue afin d'intéresser davantage le monde juridique et le milieu académique et de la recherche à ces questions délicates. Elles déterminent la capacité de délivrance des pouvoirs publics au quotidien face aux demandes, injustices, inégalités et discriminations des justiciables et aussi aux demandes des organes de contrôle qui s'attendent à une bonne information sur les systèmes sociaux. ; Most research devoted to the application of social rights focuses entirely on the international human rights conventions' supervision systems, such as the European Social Charter, or argues about their case law. However, this essay explores, in retrospect,the reasons why there continues to be an unsatisfactory application of standards in many countries despite the number of international commitments taken bytheirgovernments. This can easily be explained by the failure to deliver sufficient instructions or means to the Administration implementing said rights. The present study aims at attracting greater interest from lawyers, legal researchers, andpoliticalscience scholars,given the numerous challenges identified. Among these, we highlight the political difficulties stemming after conventions' authorization and signatureprocedures, legal controversies exacerbated by a context of multiple (economic, budgetary and health) crisis. Other important challenges worth highlighting are related to the competing standards in treaties dealing with the same social rights and between the European Social Charter and European Union law, as well as the lack of good institutional governance on the part of Administrations. These problems jeopardize the capacity of public administration to correctly deliver vis-à-vis claims of unfairness, inequality and discrimination towards those most in need of socialrights,and vis-à-vis supervision committees which request comprehensive information regarding social systems ; Universidad Pablo de Olavide

While a great deal of attention is devoted to the Pacific region as the new chessboard of international politics, Pakistan remains a key actor in terms of both threat and potential. Two observations back this argument: first, Pakistan's fundamental roles as a state are challenged by its ongoing conflict with India and internal insurgencies. Second, due to a power-status gap, Pakistan experiences difficulties in holding specific self-conceived roles. In addition to hampering its socio-economic potential, these developments prevent Pakistan's quest for normalization in the system. As a consequence, we argue that engaging with Islamabad should be a priority for Washington so as to prevent the country from further aligning with Beijing, thus reinforcing China's regional leadership and status as peer-competitor to the United States. Indeed, as the potential for deviance in the international system arises from its normative dimension, the US, as the global leader, counts among its roles that of norm-setter and primary socializer for most states. Our research proposes to look at an old puzzle with new theoretical insights. By addressing the question of Washington's engagement towards non-conforming states, we aim to document a set of socialization processes as intervening variables linking American global role as leader and primary socializer to Pakistan's process of social integration (normalization/deviance). Drawing from sociology and social psychology, the paper seeks to explore the ability of the leader to act as a primary source of role location and status recognition towards non-conforming states so as to integrate them (back) into the US-led system.

Some states are widely recognized by policy makers and scholars as middle powers. The characteristics that were highlighted for these countries have become the basic guidelines for understanding middle powermanship and developing the corresponding theory. While those analyses offer rich in-depth insights into the foreign policy of specific countries, they have so far lacked a further step of generalization. When establishing such power-based rankings, we assume the possibility to determine states' capacities so as to identify their position in said ranking. As appealing as this theoretical model may be, the reality of international politics increasingly challenge it. Thus, we argue that this theoretical inadequacy is due to the fact that middle power theory as it has been developed so far should be understood as an inductive, not a deductive, approach . Consequently, the contemporary reality calls for yet another stage of development in this theory. The choice of Pakistan as our case study arises from the observation that while Pakistan can hardly fit into the current classification(s) of middle powermanship due to its poor economic and development performances, it is a nuclear state and is –at least– in the top twenty armies of the world. Moreover, we find several cases in which Pakistan has used the diplomatic tools characterizing middle powers, such as mediation or niche diplomacy. Our paper aims at answering two questions: (1) can middle power theory bring some light on Pakistan's positioning in world politics? (2) Alternatively, what does the case of Pakistan tell us about the (ir)relevance of middle power theory? We build upon role theory to develop the case of middle powermanship as a status-role bundle, by analyzing three specific cases of Pakistan's foreign policy: Pakistani nuclear posturing, its Afghan policy and its posturing vis-à-vis the Saudi-Iranian regional competition.

While a great deal of attention is devoted to the Pacific region as the new chessboard of international politics, Pakistan remains a key actor in terms of both threat and potential. Two observations back this argument: first, Pakistan's fundamental roles as a state are challenged by its ongoing conflict with India and internal insurgencies. Second, due to a power-status gap, Pakistan experiences difficulties in holding specific self-conceived roles. In addition to hampering its socio-economic potential, these developments prevent Pakistan's quest for normalization in the system. As a consequence, we argue that engaging with Islamabad should be a priority for Washington so as to prevent the country from further aligning with Beijing, thus reinforcing China's regional leadership and status as peer-competitor to the United States. Indeed, as the potential for deviance in the international system arises from its normative dimension, the US, as the global leader, counts among its roles that of norm-setter and primary socializer for most states. Our research proposes to look at an old puzzle with new theoretical insights. By addressing the question of Washington's engagement towards non-conforming states, we aim to document a set of socialization processes as intervening variables linking American global role as leader and primary socializer to Pakistan's process of social integration (normalization/deviance). Drawing from sociology and social psychology, the paper seeks to explore the ability of the leader to act as a primary source of role location and status recognition towards non-conforming states so as to integrate them (back) into the US-led system.

Some states are widely recognized by policy makers and scholars as middle powers. The characteristics that were highlighted for these countries have become the basic guidelines for understanding middle powermanship and developing the corresponding theory. While those analyses offer rich in-depth insights into the foreign policy of specific countries, they have so far lacked a further step of generalization. When establishing such power-based rankings, we assume the possibility to determine states' capacities so as to identify their position in said ranking. As appealing as this theoretical model may be, the reality of international politics increasingly challenge it. Thus, we argue that this theoretical inadequacy is due to the fact that middle power theory as it has been developed so far should be understood as an inductive, not a deductive, approach . Consequently, the contemporary reality calls for yet another stage of development in this theory. The choice of Pakistan as our case study arises from the observation that while Pakistan can hardly fit into the current classification(s) of middle powermanship due to its poor economic and development performances, it is a nuclear state and is –at least– in the top twenty armies of the world. Moreover, we find several cases in which Pakistan has used the diplomatic tools characterizing middle powers, such as mediation or niche diplomacy. Our paper aims at answering two questions: (1) can middle power theory bring some light on Pakistan's positioning in world politics? (2) Alternatively, what does the case of Pakistan tell us about the (ir)relevance of middle power theory? We build upon role theory to develop the case of middle powermanship as a status-role bundle, by analyzing three specific cases of Pakistan's foreign policy: Pakistani nuclear posturing, its Afghan policy and its posturing vis-à-vis the Saudi-Iranian regional competition.

Cet article propose une synthèse des principales conclusions qu¿à livrées le Comité européen des droits sociaux (CEDS) lors du cycle de contrôle 2016 des politiques de l¿emploi dans plusieurs Etats du Conseil de l¿Europe, à l¿appui de la Charte sociale européenne, notamment la Charte sociale européenne révisée (1996). Les critères de sélection de ces conclusions (relatives aux seuls articles de la convention retenus lors de ce cycle) ont été leur signification particulière par rapport à quelques débats importants et actuels sur les politiques de l¿emploi et leur contribution à la consolidation d¿une jurisprudence internationale. Les seuls articles concernés par le cycle étaient l¿article 1er (le Droit au travail), l¿article 9 (Droit à l¿orientation professionnelle), l¿article 10 (Droit à la formation professionnelle), l¿article 15 (Droit des personnes handicapées à l¿autonomie, à l¿intégration sociale et à la participation à la vie de la communauté), l¿article 18 (Droit à l¿exercice d¿une activité lucrative sur le territoire des autres Parties), l¿article 20 (Droit à l¿égalité des chances et de traitement en matière d¿emploi et de profession, sans discrimination fondée sur le sexe), l¿article 24 (Droit à la protection en cas de licenciement) et l¿article 25 (Droit des travailleurs à la protection de leurs créances en cas d¿insolvabilité de leur employeur). Les débats actuels pris en compte ont été notamment la question du plein emploi et des politiques d¿activation, les conséquences des politiques d¿austérité, la non-discrimination au travail et dans la politique salariale, les interventions de l¿employeur dans la vie privée au travail, la qualité des dispositifs d¿orientation et de formation professionnelle, les politiques inclusives en faveur des personnes handicapées et les aménagements raisonnables, l¿accès de certains travailleurs étrangers au marché du travail national, la protection en cas de licenciement et en cas de difficultés économiques de l¿entreprise. Le CEDS contribue certainement à consolider la jurisprudence internationale en matière de Droit au travail, d¿égalité des chances et de non-discrimination et en faveur de l¿autonomie et de l¿intégration des personnes handicapées dans le monde ordinaire de l¿éducation et de l¿emploi. Le CEDS s¿est également intéressé au projet de Socle de droits sociaux de la Commission européenne en y voyant une opportunité pour rehausser le statut de la Charte sociale européenne dans le droit européen. --- This survey proposes a synthesis of the main conclusions of the European Committee of Social Rights (ECSR) regarding the employment policies in many Member States of the Council of Europe at the end of his annual supervision cycle on the application of the European Social Charter, particularly the Revised European Social Charter (1996). The criteria for the selection of conclusions (regarding only the sole articles of the Charter examined during this cycle) have been their particular interest for some important and current debates on the employment policies and their contribution to the strengthening of an international jurisprudence. The sole articles of the convention that were dealt with are Article 1 (The right to work), Article 9 (the right to vocational guidance), Article 10 (The right to vocational training), Article 15 (The right of persons with disabilities to independence, social integration and participation in the life of the community), Article 18 (The right to engage in a gainful occupation in the territory of other Parties), Article 20 (The right to equal opportunities and equal treatment in matters of employment and occupation without discrimination on the grounds of sex), Article 24 (The right to protection in cases of termination of employment), Article 25 (The right of workers to the protection of their claims in the event of the insolvency of their employer). The current debates taken in consideration by the Committe were notably the issue of full employment and the activation policies, the impact of austerity measures on employment, non-discrimination in employment and equal pay for equal job, employers interventions in private matters in employment, the quality of systems of vocational guidance and training, the inclusive policies in favor of persons with disabilities and the reasonable accomodations, the access of some foreign workers to national labor markets, the protection of workers in case of termination of employment and of insolvency of the enterprise. The ECSR delivers certainly a contribution to the consolidation of international social law dealing with the right to work, equal opportunities and non-discrimination and the access of persons with disabilities into the ordinary world of education and jobs. The ECSR examined also the opportunity of the discussion around a draft Pillar of social rights proposed by the European Commission for an increased status of the European Social Charter in European Community Law. ; Artículo revisado por pares

Cet article propose une synthèse des principales conclusions qu'à livrées le Comité européen des droits sociaux (CEDS) lors du cycle de contrôle 2016 des politiques de l'emploi dans plusieurs Etats du Conseil de l'Europe, à l'appui de la Charte sociale européenne, notamment la Charte sociale européenne révisée (1996). Les critères de sélection de ces conclusions (relatives aux seuls articles de la convention retenus lors de ce cycle) ont été leur signification particulière par rapport à quelques débats importants et actuels sur les politiques de l'emploi et leur contribution à la consolidation d'une jurisprudence internationale. Les seuls articles concernés par le cycle étaient l'article 1er (le Droit au travail), l'article 9 (Droit à l'orientation professionnelle), l'article 10 (Droit à la formation professionnelle), l'article 15 (Droit des personnes handicapées à l'autonomie, à l'intégration sociale et à la participation à la vie de la communauté), l'article 18 (Droit à l'exercice d'une activité lucrative sur le territoire des autres Parties), l'article 20 (Droit à l'égalité des chances et de traitement en matière d'emploi et de profession, sans discrimination fondée sur le sexe), l'article 24 (Droit à la protection en cas de licenciement) et l'article 25 (Droit des travailleurs à la protection de leurs créances en cas d'insolvabilité de leur employeur). Les débats actuels pris en compte ont été notamment la question du plein emploi et des politiques d'activation, les conséquences des politiques d'austérité, la non-discrimination au travail et dans la politique salariale, les interventions de l'employeur dans la vie privée au travail, la qualité des dispositifs d'orientation et de formation professionnelle, les politiques inclusives en faveur des personnes handicapées et les aménagements raisonnables, l'accès de certains travailleurs étrangers au marché du travail national, la protection en cas de licenciement et en cas de difficultés économiques de l'entreprise. Le CEDS contribue certainement à consolider la jurisprudence internationale en matière de Droit au travail, d'égalité des chances et de non-discrimination et en faveur de l'autonomie et de l'intégration des personnes handicapées dans le monde ordinaire de l'éducation et de l'emploi. Le CEDS s'est également intéressé au projet de Socle de droits sociaux de la Commission européenne en y voyant une opportunité pour rehausser le statut de la Charte sociale européenne dans le droit européen. --- This survey proposes a synthesis of the main conclusions of the European Committee of Social Rights (ECSR) regarding the employment policies in many Member States of the Council of Europe at the end of his annual supervision cycle on the application of the European Social Charter, particularly the Revised European Social Charter (1996). The criteria for the selection of conclusions (regarding only the sole articles of the Charter examined during this cycle) have been their particular interest for some important and current debates on the employment policies and their contribution to the strengthening of an international jurisprudence. The sole articles of the convention that were dealt with are Article 1 (The right to work), Article 9 (the right to vocational guidance), Article 10 (The right to vocational training), Article 15 (The right of persons with disabilities to independence, social integration and participation in the life of the community), Article 18 (The right to engage in a gainful occupation in the territory of other Parties), Article 20 (The right to equal opportunities and equal treatment in matters of employment and occupation without discrimination on the grounds of sex), Article 24 (The right to protection in cases of termination of employment), Article 25 (The right of workers to the protection of their claims in the event of the insolvency of their employer). The current debates taken in consideration by the Committe were notably the issue of full employment and the activation policies, the impact of austerity measures on employment, non-discrimination in employment and equal pay for equal job, employers interventions in private matters in employment, the quality of systems of vocational guidance and training, the inclusive policies in favor of persons with disabilities and the reasonable accomodations, the access of some foreign workers to national labor markets, the protection of workers in case of termination of employment and of insolvency of the enterprise. The ECSR delivers certainly a contribution to the consolidation of international social law dealing with the right to work, equal opportunities and non-discrimination and the access of persons with disabilities into the ordinary world of education and jobs. The ECSR examined also the opportunity of the discussion around a draft Pillar of social rights proposed by the European Commission for an increased status of the European Social Charter in European Community Law.