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In the second half of the twentieth century, stateless Palestinian refugees regularly submitted petitions to international authorities, particularly the UN. In these petitions, the refugees demanded their rights and invoked the UN's liberal internationalist discourse to assert the justice of their cause. This article explores what these petitions reveal about contentious politics among the Palestinian grassroots in the refugee camps. In so doing, it recasts Palestinian refugee camp communities as actors consciously engaged with international politics, and key drivers in internationalising the 'Question of Palestine'. By unpacking the petitions' internationalist aspects, the article also situates Palestinian refugee history within the broader context of post-war global governance. Finally, the analysis presented here challenges the state-centrism of existing historiography on petitioning, which examines the practice largely in relation to the growth of the state. By contrast, the case study of Palestinian petitioning shows that the practice can also be important in a setting of statelessness. This article therefore makes a series of contributions to understanding not only Palestinian political history, but also the practice of petitioning and the dynamics of post-war internationalism.

This article examines the origins of the unique schooling system for Palestinian refugees run by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA). Examining developments c. 1950–57, it illuminates the programme's beginning and explores the objectives of those behind it. Using archival evidence from numerous international welfare organizations and testimonies from refugees themselves, this article argues that the parties providing education and the refugees receiving it often had conflicting objectives that were highly politicized on both sides. Despite the comparatively greater power and resources of the United Nations, the Palestinian refugees were able to make use of their limited leverage in order to shape the education system as they preferred. The UNRWA education programme thus serves as a revealing case study for explaining developmental aid to refugee populations and its inevitable intersection with politics.

The last 20 years have witnessed an impressive outpouring of comparative politics research examining urban politics in the developing world. This research advances our understanding of phenomena such as clientelism, law and order, and local public goods provision. Scholarship could be strengthened, however, through more careful attention to how the urban setting of this research affects the politics examined. This article proposes two distinct ways in which urban politics can be conceptualized: politics taking place in urban agglomerations, characterized by large, diverse populations settled at high densities; or politics taking place within the boundaries of city jurisdictions, possessing legal powers and responsibilities distinct from those at other tiers of government or in rural areas. Adopting either of these conceptualizations illuminates new avenues for empirical work, theoretical innovation, and improved measurement. This article also shows that recent scholarship has neglected important, and fundamentally political, topics such as urban political economy, land markets, and environmental harms. Engaging with these areas would allow political scientists to revisit classic questions regarding the institutional influences on economic growth, the politics of redistribution, and the determinants of collective action.

© 2018 by Annual Reviews. All rights reserved. The last 20 years have witnessed an impressive outpouring of comparative politics research examining urban politics in the developing world. This research advances our understanding of phenomena such as clientelism, law and order, and local public goods provision. Scholarship could be strengthened, however, through more careful attention to how the urban setting of this research affects the politics examined. This article proposes two distinct ways in which urban politics can be conceptualized: politics taking place in urban agglomerations, characterized by large, diverse populations settled at high densities; or politics taking place within the boundaries of city jurisdictions, possessing legal powers and responsibilities distinct from those at other tiers of government or in rural areas. Adopting either of these conceptualizations illuminates new avenues for empirical work, theoretical innovation, and improved measurement. This article also shows that recent scholarship has neglected important, and fundamentally political, topics such as urban political economy, land markets, and environmental harms. Engaging with these areas would allow political scientists to revisit classic questions regarding the institutional influences on economic growth, the politics of redistribution, and the determinants of collective action.

Elder rights are the new frontier in the pluralisation of humanrights yet they have been a largely neglected area of research. TheUnited Nations (UN) has started to seriously consider establishinga Convention on the Rights of Older Persons through the Open-Ended Working Group on Ageing (OEWGA). Through qualitativeand quantitative analyses of documents from the OEWGA andinterviews with elder rights activists, this article examines therights claims and subgroups of older persons that have beengiven primacy. It also identifies forces that have shaped the rightsdiscourse and the implications of the dominant themes for howolder persons are perceived. It argues that the political divisionsand the rules of the OEWGA have prevented a consistently com-prehensive discussion on the rights of older persons. It also arguesthat there is a risk that the emphasis on economic and social rightsand older persons with disabilities by states and non-state actorsmight subtly reinforce the notion that elderly people are a drainon resources, a burden, and objects of welfare rather than asactive contributors to societies. It concludes by proposing possibleways of avoiding these pitfalls and suggestions on widening thescope of the rights discussion and future research.

Abstract: The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze the influence of demographic background and attitudes of leadership on the response of leader development, describe and analyze the relationship between demographic background and attitudes of leadership, and to describe the percentage of responses development leader in PNPM-MPD in the village Saribakti District of Peundeuy Garut. This research uses descriptive method with quantitative approach through path analysis or path analysis. The tools used in this research is to use a questionnaire to describe and analyze the influence of demographic background and attitude development leader on the response to the PNPM-MPD, the relationship between demographic background and attitudes of leadership, as well as the percentage response of leader development on PNPM-MPD. The results of the study with a population of 50 people and a sample of 44 people with a confidence level of 95% indicates that the demographic background significant negative effect on the response of leader development, while the attitude of the leadership have a positive influence and significant impact on response development leader at 65%, and the influence from other factors not examined by 35%. Demographic background and attitudes of leadership has a positive relationship at 0.4861 with a level of relationship. 66% attitude and response development leader in PNPM-MPD is at a low level where the percentage of perception of 72.60%, 68.52% attitude and actions amounted to 28.53%, in terms of response seen development leader of perceptions and attitudes have a degree high, but at this stage of action into a very low level.Key Word: Development Leader Response, Community Empowerment

A large body of scholarship in political economy suggests economic growth, and foreign direct investment in regulated industries in particular, is more likely to occur when formal institutions allow states to provide credible commitments regarding the security of property rights. In contrast, this article argues that we must instead examine differences in firm organizational structure and embeddedness to explain variation in the resilience of privatization contracts in weak institutional environments. Domestic investors-or, if contracts are granted at the subnational level, domestic investors with diverse local holdings-work most effectively in the developing world. Domestic investors are better able to negotiate mutually beneficial adaptations to their formal contracts with host governments because they can draw on informal contractual supports that derive from cross-sector diversification and embeddedness in the market. This article finds strong support for this argument through an analysis of fourteen water privatization contracts in Argentina. © 2013 SAGE Publications.

A large body of scholarship in political economy suggests economic growth, and foreign direct investment in regulated industries in particular, is more likely to occur when formal institutions allow states to provide credible commitments regarding the security of property rights. In contrast, this article argues that we must instead examine differences in firm organizational structure and embeddedness to explain variation in the resilience of privatization contracts in weak institutional environments. Domestic investors-or, if contracts are granted at the subnational level, domestic investors with diverse local holdings-work most effectively in the developing world. Domestic investors are better able to negotiate mutually beneficial adaptations to their formal contracts with host governments because they can draw on informal contractual supports that derive from cross-sector diversification and embeddedness in the market. This article finds strong support for this argument through an analysis of fourteen water privatization contracts in Argentina. © 2013 SAGE Publications.

Die von Menschenrechtsaktivisten propagierte Errichtung einer transitionalen Gerechtigkeit stellt eine Vorbedingung für den Demokratisierungsprozess in Indonesien dar. Diese Annahme beruht auf der Ansicht, dass das Militär, welches in der Vergangenheit eine repressive Herrschaft durchsetzte, die Hauptverantwortung für die größten Menschenrechtsverletzungen in Indonesien trägt. Es ist die Pflicht der Regierung in der Ära nach der "Neuen Ordnung", das Militär seiner politischen Rolle zu entheben, die Schuldigen zu verurteilen und die Rechte der Opfer von Menschenrechtsverletzungen wiederherzustellen. Der vorliegende Aufsatz zeichnet die indonesischen Erfahrungen mit dem Projekt der Demilitarisierung und dem Szenario der transitionalen Gerechtigkeit in den ersten fünf Jahren seit 1999 nach, für das sich Menschenrechtsaktivisten engagieren. Dargestellt werden die Vorstellungen der Aktivisten zu Themen und Problemen der Demilitarisierung und der Errichtung einer transitionalen Gerechtigkeit. Besonderes Augenmerk liegt dabei auf den strategisch-implementativen Argumentationen, die einem Vergleich mit den Problemen und Entscheidungsmöglichkeiten, die sich den pro-demokratischen Akteuren laut den Erhebungen der DEMOS-Studie stellen, unterzogen werden. (ICI2)

In central Australia, anoestrous red kangaroos and males with reduced interstitium were, in general,the younger adults. Anoestrous females suckling young throughout drought were among the oldest in the population. The weights of non-breeding animals were lower than those of reproductive counterparts of the same tooth class.

No similar relationship was found for aspermous males, their distribution being random in the population, supporting the idea that the condition is induced by high ambient temperatures.

As red kangaroos are not known to have dominance hierarchies in the wild but rather are nomadic, gregarious and promiscuous, it is suggested that the experience of older animals plus the social benefits of larger size may gain them nutritional advantage during drought.