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AbstractAgainst premature claims about the declining political relevance of social class in post‐industrial democracies, recent research indicates that class continues to be a relevant determinant of political preferences. In post‐industrial societies 'old' class divides on economic issues coexist with 'new' class alignments on cultural topics. While there is cumulated evidence of social classes' distinct placement on these issues, this paper argues that the strength of class divides depends on the extent to which these issues are politicized by political parties. Studying preferences on economic and cultural issues (attitudes towards redistribution, immigration, gay rights and European integration), this study shows that class divides in preferences are context dependent. The multilevel analyses drawing on data from the European Social Survey and the Chapel Hill Expert Survey for 27 European democracies demonstrate that classes' differences in preferences are accentuated on issues strongly contested and emphasized by parties, and mitigated on issues where party conflict is weaker. Adding to recent literature on parties and class conflict, this study identifies another stage at which parties can affect the strength of class voting. The varying strength of class divides across contexts also has implications for parties' ability to garner support beyond a single class. This becomes increasingly unlikely in contexts of high issue politicization.

Este número monográfico aporta un balance de los cambios en el funcionamiento de la democracia a escala europea experimentados durante los primeros diez años del Tratado de Lisboa, asociados a la entrada en vigor de esta última reforma de "los Tratados" —esto es, el Tratado de la UE (TUE) conjuntamente con el Tratado de Funcionamiento de la UE (TFUE)—, y a variaciones en las actitudes de los ciudadanos, el debate político y las dinámicas de competición electoral en el seno de los Estados miembros, relacionadas con el proceso de politización en marcha en la UE desde la década de 1990.

Este número monográfico aporta un balance de los cambios en el funcionamiento de la democracia a escala europea experimentados durante los primeros diez años del Tratado de Lisboa, asociados a la entrada en vigor de esta última reforma de "los Tratados" —esto es, el Tratado de la UE (TUE) conjuntamente con el Tratado de Funcionamiento de la UE (TFUE)—, y a variaciones en las actitudes de los ciudadanos, el debate político y las dinámicas de competición electoral en el seno de los Estados miembros, relacionadas con el proceso de politización en marcha en la UE desde la década de 1990.

Altres ajuts: Acord transformatiu CRUE-CSIC ; Against premature claims about the declining political relevance of social class in post-industrial democracies, recent research indicates that class continues to be a relevant determinant of political preferences. In post-industrial societies 'old' class divides on economic issues coexist with 'new' class alignments on cultural topics. While there is cumulated evidence of social classes' distinct placement on these issues, this paper argues that the strength of class divides depends on the extent to which these issues are politicized by political parties. Studying preferences on economic and cultural issues (attitudes towards redistribution, immigration, gay rights and European integration), this study shows that class divides in preferences are context dependent. The multilevel analyses drawing on data from the European Social Survey and the Chapel Hill Expert Survey for 27 European democracies demonstrate that classes' differences in preferences are accentuated on issues strongly contested and emphasized by parties, and mitigated on issues where party conflict is weaker. Adding to recent literature on parties and class conflict, this study identifies another stage at which parties can affect the strength of class voting. The varying strength of class divides across contexts also has implications for parties' ability to garner support beyond a single class. This becomes increasingly unlikely in contexts of high issue politicization.

El objetivo de esta investigación es el estudio de los Libros de constituciones 1, 2 y 3 de la catedral de Santiago, elaborados en los siglos XIV y XV, mediante los cuales se rigió la institución. Una investigación que se inicia con el análisis de la naturaleza diplomática de los códices, su contenido y función y la relación que se establece entre estos aspectos y la materialidad de los libros: las características del soporte, los elementos decorativos y, sobre todo, la escritura empleada en cada uno de ellos. Estos factores, junto con la información sobre sus artífices materiales y el contexto histórico en el que se confeccionaron, nos permiten observar cómo y por qué la cultura escrita jugó un papel indispensable en la esfera gubernativa de la iglesia medieval. The aim of this research is the study of the Statute books 1, 2 and 3 of the cathedral of Santiago de Compostela, created in the 14th and 15th centuries with the purpose of ruling the daily life of the institution. We shall start by analysing the diplomatic nature of these codices, their content and function and the bond stablished among these elements and the materiality of each book: the features of the support, the illumination and especially the script of each codex. These issues, along with the information about their material authors and the historical context in which they were elaborated, will allow us to show why and how writing became an essential tool for the government of the medieval church.

While many studies have identified an association between social class andeconomic preferences, we know little about the implications of changes inclass location for these preferences. This article assesses how social class andintra-generational class mobility affect economic preferences drawing on lon-gitudinal data from the British Household Panel Survey. In doing so, the art-icle adopts a post-industrial perspective that considers horizontal and verticalclass divisions. Even when time-invariant characteristics of individuals are keptconstant (through fixed-effects estimation), it is found that both vertical andhorizontal class location explain economic preferences. Thus, these estima-tions suggest that social class moulds preferences, even when accounting forfactors that can lead to selection into classes. Moreover, people who changeclasses hold different economic preferences than their peers in the class oforigin, but do not completely assimilate into their class of destination. Thisimplies that growing intra-generational class mobility could undermine theclass basis of political conflict.

Defence date: 29 November 2017 ; Examining Board: Prof. Hanspeter Kriesi (Supervisor), European University Institute; Prof. Fabrizio Bernardi (Co-supervisor), European University Institute; Prof. Geoffrey Evans, Nuffield College, Oxford; Prof. Silja Häusermann, University of Zurich ; Post-industrial transformations in the occupational structure and new patterns of class-party alignments have fueled the debate on the relevance of social class as a determinant of political preferences and behavior. Although the growth of the service sector is one of the distinctive traits of post-industrial economies, low-skilled service workers have received limited attention in recent research on class politics. This dissertation analyzes the political implications of class in post-industrial societies, focusing specifically on the comparison between low-skilled production and service workers. Through a two-step analysis of class voting, this dissertation studies, first, the association between class and issue preferences and, second, the relationship between class and electoral behavior. This approach to class voting also allows me to theorize and analyze potential moderators and mechanisms of the individual-level association between class and political outcomes. To study these different aspects of class voting both cross-sectionally and longitudinally this thesis relies on multiple datasets like the European Social Survey, the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and the British Household Panel Survey, and on different estimation methods like multi-level, conditional logistic and panel data regression models. The results of a systematic comparison of production and service workers indicate that the two classes constitute a rather homogeneous electoral constituency both in terms of preferences on cultural and economic issues, as well as in their likelihood of voting for different party families. Thus, these two groups could constitute a new working class, characterized by its economically left-wing but culturally authoritarian political preferences, but also by its higher levels of electoral abstention. Other than revealing the similarity between production and service workers, this dissertation also contributes to the literature on class voting by studying moderators and mechanisms of the individual-level relationship between class location and political preferences. The analyses indicate that the politicization of policy issues by parties or the length of class tenure moderate this relationship. Moreover, I also consider how vertical and horizontal class mobility throughout an individuals' career relates to differences in policy preferences. For this purpose, I implement a longitudinal approach, which has been rather infrequent in studies of class voting. The conclusion of this dissertation discusses the implications of these findings for the political representation of the working class and for aggregate levels of class voting. Overall, and in clear contrast with the dealignment thesis, this dissertation indicates that class is still a relevant determinant of political preferences in post-industrial societies.

In the 1930-1980 period the Mexican State became highly involved in economy, generating-social transformations that changed the face of the country. One of Mexico's strongest & more efficient executive arms was Nacional Financiera (Nafin). This article gives a detailed account of Nafin's institutional evolution in five stages: from its creation (1934) to the conclusion of the so-called "entrepreneurial State" (1994). Due to a variety of factors ?legitimacy, pool of technical expertise, financial resources concentration, political skills of managers? besides a relative institutional autonomy, the bank attained a technical efficiency level that positioned it also as a key element within the State structure. But while Nafin was the major promoter of development during the first decades of its life, it became its main hindrance in recent times. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

Joining the debate of dollarization occurring in Ecuador, Argentina, Mexico, & in Canada, the author asserts that dollarization is an actual process. The specific mode of integration is an integration "from below," ie, an integration resulting from reactions to important political & economic disorder by governments & economic agents, as opposed to an integration "from above," where the monetary union is but a part of a greater political project. The thesis presented here is that official dollarization occurs only after a country has undergone severe political & economic crisis: the most complex situations favor a unilateral dollarization. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.