Suchergebnisse

Die Wahl rechtsextremer Parteien sorgt in regelmäßigen Abständen für mediale Aufmerksamkeit und Besorgnis. Dennoch ist das Phänomen des sehr gemischten Erfolges rechtsextremer Parteien noch wenig geklärt. Dieses Buch untersucht deshalb erstmals umfassend und auf breiter empirischer Datenbasis für 13 EU-Staaten sowie Norwegen und über einen Zeitraum von mehr als 20 Jahren die Wähler und die Bedingungen für die Wahlerfolge rechtsextremer Parteien.

The rise of the far right is increasingly raising the question of whether partisanship can have negative consequences for democracy. While issues such as partisan bias and affective polarization have been extensively researched, little is known about the relationship between identification with anti-system parties and diffuse system support. I address this gap by introducing a novel indicator and utilising the GESIS panel dataset, which tracks the rise of a new party, "Alternative for Germany" (AfD) from 2013, when the party was founded, to 2017, when the AfD, now transformed into a right-wing populist and anti-system party, entered the federal parliament for the first time. Employing a panel fixed effects design, I demonstrate that identification with "Alternative for Germany" reduces trust in the Federal Constitutional Court by a considerable margin. These findings are robust across various alternative specifications, suggesting that the effects of anti-system party identification should not be dismissed.

AbstractScholarly interest in political secularism is currently growing. Political secularism is not the absence of religious belief, membership or practice, but the conviction that politics and religion should be kept separate and that religious arguments should have no standing in political debates. Little is known about the roots of this attitude, particularly outside the United States. This is unfortunate because politically secular attitudes strongly affect citizens' views on so‐called morality policies (e.g. the regulation of abortion, assisted suicide or experiments with stem cells) which are often highly controversial.In this research note, I focus on the link between political secularism and basic human values. From Schwartz's own work and from the extant literature on religion, secularism and basic human values, I derive two hypotheses: self‐direction should be linked to higher levels, and tradition should be linked to lower levels of political secularism.Multivariate analysis of current survey data from Germany, a prototypical 'religious‐world country', supports both hypotheses. Crucially, the relationships hold when controlling for three main facets of religion, for region (east vs west), and for socio‐demographics. The results show that net of their well‐documented association with religion, basic human values contribute to our understanding of political secularism. More generally, the findings demonstrate once more the impact of basic human values on all areas of political life.

AbstractAs religiousness is declining across democracies, scientific interest in secular orientations and their political implications is growing. One specific and particularly important aspect of secular attitudes is political secularism. Political secularism is not merely the absence of religiousness, but rather a world view which holds that religious beliefs should play no role in politics. While there are hundreds of survey instruments that measure the strength and content of religiousness, there is no comparable measure that taps into political secularism. In this research note, I briefly review the concept of political secularism and present a cluster of items which target it. Utilizing data from four large population representative samples taken from the eastern and western states of Germany, I use confirmatory factor analysis to show that these items form a short but internally consistent scale. This scale also displays convergent and discriminant validity. It may be readily used in future surveys.

The two-worlds framework is currently the most important account of morality policymaking in Europe. For this theory of elite behaviour to be valid, a number of implicit assumptions about political belief systems at the mass level must hold. This contribution spells out these assumptions and tests them within a structural equation modelling framework, using original survey data from Germany, a country that constitutes a crucial case for the two-worlds theory. The results showed that the implicit individual-level preconditions of the two-worlds framework were fulfilled. Political secularism and partisanship were strongly associated. Political secularism also had strong effects on morality policy preferences regarding the preferred regulation of abortion, embryo and stem cell research, and gene therapies, even when controlling for a host of background variables. However, the size of the effects did not vary across politicised and non-politicised issues. This casts some doubt over the ability of partisan actors to unilaterally control the morality policy agenda.

Es handelt sich um eine bundesweit repräsentative Erhebung zum Thema "Einstellungen zur
Präimplantationsdiagnostik". Ziel der Untersuchung ist es, ein umfassendes Bild zum Kenntnisstand, den Einstellungen und Präferenzen der Bürgerinnen und Bürger zu diesem medizinisch-ethischen Thema zu erhalten. Mit Hilfe eines experimentellen Designs sollte geprüft werden, inwieweit die im Rahmen des Gesetzgebungsprozesses diskutierten Regelungsoptionen zur PID den Präferenzraum der Bevölkerung berücksichtigen und wie sich diese gegenüber Argumenten für oder gegen eine striktere Regulierung positionieren.

Germany's bioethical legislation presents a puzzle: given structural factors, the country should be at the forefront of reproductive medicine, but its embryology regime remains one of the strictest in Western Europe. Past research has linked this fact to an unusual coalition of Christian and New Left groups, which both draw a connection from modern embryology to eugenics under the Nazis. In this article, the workings of this alleged alliance are demonstrated at the micro-level for the first time. The behaviour of individual MPs in a crucial free vote on pre-implantation genetic diagnosis (PGD) is modelled using data on their political, sectoral and religious affiliations. Identifying as a Catholic and membership in Christian organisations are strong predictors of resistance to PGD. Even more importantly, net of religious and professional ties, affiliation with either the Christian Democrats or the left-libertarian Green party is closely linked to restrictive bioethical preferences. The modest liberalisation in 2011 was contingent on external factors and the overwhelming support of the historically unusually large FDP delegation. With the FDP no longer represented in parliament and the Christian Democratic/New Left issue coalition even stronger than before, further liberalisation is unlikely.