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Donor funding has helped enroll in school most children of low-income countries. However, students get little schooling and few opportunities to encode and consolidate information. Many fail to learn and automatize the small units needed for more complex skills, such as reading. As a result, many children remain illiterate and drop out in the early primary grades. However, donors and governments often focus on the socioeconomic difficulties of the very poor and have limited insights on how to teach students who get no academic preparation before grade 1. Furthermore, staff experiences with middle class schools may promote complex instructional methods and raise unrealistic expectations regarding the performance of the very poor. In principle cognitive scientists could provide technical assistance and conduct research on issues relevant to learning for the very poor. In practice, however, essential memory functions needed to explicate the knowledge gaps have little value added in high income countries and receive less attention in academia. Few cognitive scientists are sufficiently exposed to them, while education faculties similarly do not teach them. The question arises how to engage cognitive scientists in international development. There is a need for intellectual leadership in this field. New avenues of collaboration are needed between those who research learning and those who plan the education of the very poor.

The Education for All (EFA) initiative depends on students being taught by suitably and sufficiently trained teachers. But time-on-task studies conducted in low-income countries show that relatively little time is being spent on instruction, including the critical teaching of reading. Teachers may be absent often and may avoid teaching when in school (Abadzi 2007). They may engage with the few students who can do the work, neglecting the rest (Llambiri 2006, Abadzi and Llambiri 2011). They may fail to use textbooks even when they exist and spend class time copying on the blackboard. The same issues affect supervisors and principals (Abadzi 2006). As a result, students may graduate or drop out illiterate. The investments in teacher training are potentially valuable, but need to be linked to results. Thus far evidence is limited. Preservice training often lasts 6-9 months compared to 3-4 years in higher-income countries and may be insufficient to remedy students' academic deficits or teach them how to teach. The poor results have disappointed governments and donors. The persistent teacher training problems worldwide make it imperative to seek new means for changing behaviors, particularly for poorly paid teachers with limited education. This must be done relatively quickly and efficiently so that teachers can impart basic skills to their students. Since feasible educational methods seem to have been exhausted, it is useful to look for solutions in the field that studies behavior. Even for better educated teachers in lower-income countries, the capacity for formulating and solving complex problems such as those presented in teaching real classrooms may be limited compared to some 'ideal' model (Feldon 2007).

Since the nineteenth century, Greece and Albania have been separate countries, but for about twenty-two centuries they belonged to the same state in its various forms. The ancient Greeks and Illyrians were Indo-European tribes who intermarried with pre-Hellenic populations after arriving in the Balkans about four thousand years ago. Multiple migration events occurred to and from one another's lands; in ancient years Greek cities like Corinth established colonies on the Illyrian coast, while in the Middle Ages Albanian speakers (known as Arvanites) migrated across Greece. Hundreds of years later, another five hundred thousand Albanian speakers had immigrated to Greece after 1985. The data show that Greeks and Albanians have a long-term kinship, but this is obscured by linguistic and religious differences. Understanding this common past may strengthen contemporary political relationships.

Students in lower-income countries often acquire limited literacy in school and often drop out illiterate. For those who stay, the problem is not detected until it is too late to intervene. Oral reading fluency tests given in the early grades can quickly and inexpensively assess student literacy. For this reason, one-minute reading studies have been popular. A search carried out in early 2010 showed that over 50 fluency studies have been conducted in various countries, and that norms have been established in the U.S., Mexico, and Chile. The studies often reported data in ways that were not easily comparable, and few had collected nationally representative data. However, the findings consistently showed very limited achievement. A multi-country study matching reading and instructional time data showed that the deficits are largely due to limited reading practice. The findings also suggest that few governments have taken action to improve reading outcomes on the basis of test scores. However, a number of pilot reading programs that emphasized phonics and practice were financed by donors and implemented by Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). These brought about substantial improvements within a few months. Their success suggests that it is eminently feasible to raise student outcomes significantly through evidence based reading methods. Overall, the oral reading fluency tests have shown good psychometric properties, although reading achievement typically shows much variability within classes and sampling procedures could improve. Cross-linguistic comparability is rough and approximate, but overall it is possible to monitor reading outcomes across time and countries.

The sound of children's voices reciting in unison could be heard from afar, as our mission approached a school in rural Cambodia. Inside a second-grade classroom, students took turns at the blackboard. One pointed with a stick at a list of words written by the teacher, while the rest recited. A colleague approached, wrote on the blackboard the same words in a different order, and asked the children to read. Suddenly, there was silence. Most kids had merely memorized the sequence of the words and could not even identify single letters. This scene is frequent. In the poorer schools of low-income countries, many students remain illiterate for years, until they finally drop out. With some care, the process is observable. Typically the teacher writes on the board some letters or words and asks students to repeat them. The letters may be scribbled, the children often sit at a distance, textbooks may be insufficient, and children may not have anyone at home to help them read. But they do repeat the words in unison, getting cues from a few knowledgeable classmates. The teachers stand by the blackboard, address students at large, and call on the few who perform well. How come this issue has not attracted attention? One reason is that in the middle-class schools of capitals students perform much better. Soon after our rural observations, we observed second graders in a middleclass school of Pnom Penh fluently handling the extremely complex Khmer script. However, the schools of the poor have less time for their students. There is teacher absenteeism, a lack of textbooks to take home, parental inability to make up for school weaknesses, no specific curricular time for reading. The result has been chronic illiteracy, high dropout and high repetition rates. To reduce repetition and maximize enrollments, some donors advise governments to promote students automatically.

World Bank lending in education has taken place through a unique working relationship in line with India's principle of self-sufficiency and domestic development. Until the late 1980s, the government of India strongly resisted external funding for education programs. Subsequently, the goal of universal elementary education resulted in demand for additional resources, leading the department of education (DOE) to review its policy on external funding in education. The Bank's continued efforts towards a dialogue with DOE aimed at confidence building also contributed to this change in policy. Since 1980, the Bank s investments in education in India have grown from an almost negligible amount to 2 billion dollars. The Bank has approved four vocational and technical education and training (TVET) projects and six basic education projects. Overall, their capacity increased more than 50 percent, by roughly 100,000 student places, and expansion often exceeded targets. The operations evaluation department (OED) has rated project performance as satisfactory or highly satisfactory, though substantial improvements are still needed in industry linkages, quality of trainers, and academic flexibility.