Suchergebnisse

The Obligation Core Principles of Minimum Obligation are the answer to the challenges faced by the government / local government regarding the fulfillment of economic, social and cultural rights. The Principle of Minimum Obligation Core functions as a guarantor for the basic needs of the people and as a first step for local governments in carrying out the progressive obligations that have been required by the Covenant, Ecosoc The lack of budgets for fulfillment of the ESC rights in the regions has made the author propose that the Minimum Principles of Core Obligations be used as law in the management of regional finances in Indonesia. In the research, the writer uses normative legal science research with a conceptual approach and legislation, and stratifies the areas that are the target of the author; that is; Bangka Belitung Islands Province, South Kalimantan Province, Denpasar City, Malang City and Palu City. In this study, the authors focus on the right to, especially the rights to education, health, housing and food.Keywords; ESC Rights, Minimum Core Obligation, Regional Budget, Indonesia.

Turkey has been actively engaged in African politics since the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government announced the year 2005 as the Year of Africa. The strategic importance of Africa for Turkey has significantly increased during the AK Party governments. The number of Turkey–Africa studies done both in Turkey and in the West has increased since 2010, but most of these studies dealt with Turkish foreign policy toward Africa from a narrow perspective. This study highlights that there are complicated, hidden, and interrelated factors and dynamics driving Turkey–Africa relations. In particular, the systematic factors are the most overlooked dynamics in the studies carried out. This study endeavors to explore these complicated dynamics in a systematic and holistic approach by using the three levels of analysis. The main research question in the study is, "What are the individual, state, and systemic factors shaping Turkish foreign policy toward Africa?" In this research, primary and secondary sources and the "process-tracing research method" were used.

Somalia has a special place in the foreign policy of the Justice and Development Party (AK Party), which has been in power since November 2002. Turkey's relations with Somalia started to develop after the official visit of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan to Somalia on 19 August 2011, who was the prime minister at that time, to support Somalis affected by severe drought and civil war. After 2011, Turkey launched one of the largest humanitarian aid campaigns to Somalia. Turkey has not only developed a soft power policy in Somalia but also started to implement a hard power policy. In this respect, Turkey has been training hundreds of Somali soldiers and police in both Ankara and Mogadishu since 2012. At the same time, Turkey opened its largest military base abroad in Somalia in 2017. This research explores the reasons and dynamics behind Turkey's deepening of its security policy in Somalia and sheds light on what Turkey's security policy means for Somalia. The research argues that there is a combination of factors driving Turkey's security policy towards Somalia, including socio-cultural, economic, and geopolitical. This study examines Turkey's security policy with a holistic approach, using conceptual and theoretical perspectives.

Turkey has been among one of the most active players in African politics over the last decade. The ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) governments have changed the traditional foreign policy approach towards Africa. Turkey has sought to develop its strategic relations with non-Western regional and sub-regional organisations during the AK Party governments. In this regard, Turkish Embassy in Addis Ababa was accredited to the African Union (AU) and other sub-regional African organisations since 2005. In this research, the main question is 'why has Turkey deepened and widened its strategic relations with African regional and sub-regional organizations?' This research will scrutinise Turkey's engagement with the African organisations by employing a theoretical approach and a holistic approach. According to the findings of this research, Turkey has changed its traditional approach towards African politics and played a dynamic role in establishing a new global order despite persistent challenges in the world.

This article will examine the driving dynamics behind the increasing relations between Turkey and Somalia. Turkey has been an important actor on the African politics since the AK Party (Justice and Development Party) came to power in 2002. For instance, while Turkey only had 12 embassies across the continent until 2005, it currently has 35. Turkey is today among the countries in the world having one of the most diplomatic missions on the African continent. Turkey's economic relations with the continent have also changed significantly. Whereas Turkey's total trade with Africa was 2 billion dollars in 2005, it is presently about 22 billion dollars. Importantly, Turkey is aiming to increase her total trade with Africa up to 50 billion dollars until 2020. Furthermore, Turkish NGOs are actively involved in many humanitarian projects in the different African countries. Turkey has particularly paid a great deal of attention to increasing political, economic and social relations with Somalia during the AK Party government. This article argues that the AK Party has been establishing a new foreign policy identity and transforming the parameters of the traditional Turkish foreign policy through the social interactions with Somalia.

Since the Central African Republic (CAR) gained independence from France in 1960 it has faced deep social, economic and political crises. The country has witnessed 10 military coup attempts between 2005 and 2015, which have aggravated political and economic development of the CAR. The most recent by leader of the Seleka coalition group, Michel Djotodia, against the government of Bozize in March 2013 that saw hundreds of thousands displaced and thousands killed. Although the violence in the CAR partially polarized Muslims and Christians, we argue in this paper that the driver of the conflict in the CAR is more a struggle for power among political elite. The aim is to explain the main motivations behind the political crisis and the changing dynamics of the violent conflict in the CAR.