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AbstractThis empirical study undertakes a rigorous examination of the environmental sustainability impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on its member countries. Employing a robust difference-in-difference quasi-natural experimental technique, our analysis spans a panel of 69 countries, covering the years from 1990 to 2022. Our primary metric for assessing ecological strain is the total Ecological Footprint consumption (EFP), measured in global hectares, which encapsulates the ecological exhaustion resulting from economic activities. This study not only contributes to the growing body of literature on the BRI's economic, social, and environmental impacts but also distinguishes itself by providing experimental evidence of its environmental repercussions 10 years post-initiative commencement for member countries and 4 years for African countries in which the majority joined in 2018. Our findings reveal a significant increase in ecological footprint consumption among the BRI member countries after 2014, implying that participation in the BRI has contributed to heightened ecological depletion in these nations. Additionally, our analysis highlights the same impact for African countries, where ecological footprint consumption substantially escalated after joining the BRI in 2018. This pivotal discovery calls for the attention of not only the Chinese government, a driving force behind the BRI, but also all member countries partaking in this international collaboration. It signals a potential ecological deficit and future productivity impairment, urging stakeholders to reconsider and address the environmental ramifications of their endeavors.

This is an exploratory study that aims to answer the question of whether and to what extent regional media are influential in shaping political awareness and its role in influencing public opinion, especially that of young people. We examined regional media in Egypt, more precisely in the Suez Canal Region. To ensure the validity of our results, we deployed a number of different data collection methods: the collection, analysis, and integration of quantitative and qualitative research. The results reveal that regional media have the potential to contribute effectively in raising youths' political awareness of the public policy‐making process. The recommendations specified are the elimination of red tape, governmental bureaucracy, and centralization in the management of regional radio and television is required; also necessary are financial independence and the restructuring of the organizational hierarchy of all state‐run regional media.Related ArticlesAntwi‐Boateng, Osman. 2015. "No Spring in Africa: How Sub‐Saharan Africa has Avoided the Arab Spring Phenomenon." Politics & Policy 43 (5): 754‐784. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12129Khodr, Hiba, and Isabella Ruble. 2013. "Energy Policies and Domestic Politics in the MENA Region in the Aftermath of the Arab Upheavals: The Cases of Lebanon, Libya, and KSA." Politics & Policy 41 (5): 656‐689. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12033.xSarquís, David J. 2012. "Democratization after the Arab Spring: The Case of Egypt's Political Transition." Politics & Policy 40 (5): 871‐903. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00381.xRelated MediaBonney, Victoria. 2018. "How Social Media is Shaping our Political Future." TEDx Talks. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9Kd99IIWJUw&t=34sPainter, David. 2014. "Social Media and Political Campaigns – Youth Voting; Positive Messaging." https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rxE2OGYhVvo

Abstract. The objective of this study is to provide empirical evidence on the short- and long-run relationships between the short-term interest rate, London interbank offered rate (LIBOR) and macroeconomic policy objectives, such as price stability, economic growth, and stability of the exchange rate market. For this purpose, we deploy quarterly frequency data from the United Kingdom between 2000 and 2015 and adopt a multiple regression model. Furthermore, this study uses the Johansen, Stock-Watson cointegration test and the Granger Causality test in order to examine the dynamic short- and long-run relationships among LIBOR, the consumer price index as a proxy of price stability, the real gross domestic product as a proxy of economic growth, and the exchange rate as a proxy of exchange rate market stability. The results showed that all variables have the same order of integration and long-run equilibrium relationships exist between them. The results show evidence of long-run equilibrium relationship between the variables with strong evidence of unidirectional granger causality flow from GDP, CPI and exchange rates to LIBOR. The recommendations proposed in this study have important policy implications for the U.K. government. It is therefore recommended that policy makers and government authorities together with the Bank of England develop and pursue sensible fiscal and monetary policies that would aim at stabilizing both the micro- and macroeconomic indicators such as the inflation rate, interest rate, exchange rate, and money supply, to enhance the growth of the economy, especially for the period after the BREXIT decision.Keywords. Macroeconomics, Interest rate, Monetary policy, London interbank offered rate, United Kingdom.JEL. E43, E51, E58.

In this study, we investigate the role of public governance in mediating the impact of a country's culture on money laundering. We assess whether interference in the form of public governance can reduce or offset cultural effects with respect to the risks associated with money laundering across 92 countries over a 6‐year period (2012–2017).Design/methodology/approachThis research uses structural modeling to examine the direct path between culture and money laundering, and the indirect path between culture and money laundering that passes through public governance as a mediator. We use Hofstede's cultural variables as a proxy for measuring culture, and Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGIs) to measure public governance in different countries. The Basel anti‐money laundering index is also used as a proxy for measuring money laundering risk.FindingsOur results show that public governance fully mediates the relationship between culture and money laundering. The direct path shows a significant relationship between culture and money laundering, but this relationship becomes insignificant when public governance is introduced as a mediator.Originality/valueThis study indicates that governments can reduce money‐laundering risk by paying more attention to the quality of public governance and its potential as a tool in reducing money laundering.