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Review of the following work: Christian Aspalter. (2023). Ten Worlds of Welfare Capitalism: A Global Data Analysis. Singapore: Springer, 236 p. ISBN: 13-978-9811978623 (HB).

At the end of 2015, China put an end to the one‐child policy (OCP), thereby terminating the largest family planning program in human history. For nearly four decades it had shaped relations between generations and between men and women to an extent never before seen. Today, China struggles with the unintended consequences of the OCP. It has resulted in the so‐called 4‐2‐1 family structure, in which the only children had four grandparents and two parents to care for them when they grew up, but where they have to shoulder the care of four grandparents and two parents when they come of age, because both cultural values and legal prescriptions foresee reciprocal care responsibilities between generations. This has led to an enormous care deficit, which triggers conflicts between both genders and generations. A second major unintended consequence has been a skewed gender ratio of only 18 women per 20 men because of the strong preference for boys, which has led to so‐called "bare branches:" Chinese men who are not able to find a spouse or have to rely on "mail‐order brides." The paper concludes that the OCP has come to an end, but the unintended consequences prevail.

China and Denmark could hardly be more different cases for comparison: a huge developing one-party state set against a small post-industrial plural state. Despite these significant and categorical differences, however, both states are faced with similar challenges when it comes to changing demographic patterns, with more elderly persons in need of both care and support, coupled with smaller working-age populations to deliver that care and support. Mapping and comparing the combinations of welfare regarding care for the elderly in China and Denmark reveals serious inequalities of class, gender and generation. Both states are in principle fully committed to the wellbeing of all citizens through universal welfare state protection, but in reality both rely very much on market and civil society solutions, which leaves the population strongly differentiated and polarized, not only when it comes to gender and generation, but also with respect to class. The conclusion is that Denmark and China are converging towards a model of welfare combinations set within an overall framework of universalism. The most important lines of conflict revolve around generation, though class and gender also remain influential.

In Danish family policy, changes initiated by the present conservative-liberal government differ little from those proposed by the opposition. Recent changes are minor, but significant ones occurred in the 1960s, when childcare was universalized, and in the 1980s, when parental leave substituted maternal leave. These changes can be explained as adjustments to post-industrial conditions within a political culture relying on class compromises and a broad consensus informed by expert advice coming from civil servants and ad hoc policy commissions. The paper concludes that changes in Danish family policy reflect changing conditions for employment and the minding of children and that there has been a high degree of continuity and consensus about the change, as indicated by the strong increase in female labour market involvement.

Dans les débats sur les mesures d'ordre social, l'usage de plus en plus fréquent de métaphores inspirées de l'architecture et de la géographie apparaît comme un signe de la portée croissante de l'espace et du lieu eu égard aux droits et obligations contemporains se rattachant à la citoyenneté sociale. L'architecture de l'État-providence se transforme. Quant à sa nouvelle géographie, elle prend la forme d'un sablier, les pouvoirs réglementaires étant de plus en plus concentrés aux échelons local et régional, d'une part, et au niveau de l'Union européenne, d'autre part.

The so‐called European Social Model consists of four distinctly different poverty regimes with diverse consequences for men and women. According to current political rhetoric these policy regimes are changing significantly everywhere, hence transforming the opportunities and challenges for men and women. This article discusses whether, and to what extent, the perceived changes have affected low‐income mothers in European urban settings. The data are drawn primarily from qualitative interviews with mothers of young children (under school age) in low‐income neighbourhoods in three middle‐size cities: Hochstätt in Mannheim (Germany), Le Breil in Nantes (France), and Tang Hall in York (UK). In each neighbourhood 20 mothers were interviewed during 1998 and 1999. For all four welfare regimes within the European Union, mothers and fathers have traditionally had very different roles within the family and varying opportunities to participate in the labour market. According to recent policy formulations this situation is changing. However, the changes are not reflected in the everyday life of poor citizens. Rather, the interviews revealed that business was as usual.Ledit Modèle social européen se compose de quatre régimes de pauvreté distinctifs ayant des incidences diverses sur les hommes et les femmes. D'après le discours politique actuel, ces politiques changent partout considérablement, transformant les opportunités et défis que connaissent les hommes et les femmes. L'article étudie si, et dans quelle mesure, les évolutions perçues ont affecté les mères ayant de faibles revenus dans les cadres urbains européens. Les données émanent principalement d'entretiens qualitatifs avec des mères de jeunes enfants (en âge pré‐scolaire) habitant des quartiers économiquement faibles de trois villes moyennes: Hochstätt à Mannheim (Allemagne), Le Breil à Nantes (France) et Tang Hall à York (R‐U). Vingt mères de chaque quartier ont été interrogées courant 1998–:9. Selon les quatre régimes d'aide sociale relevant de l'Union européenne, les mères et les pères ont eu des rôles très différents au sein de la famille et des possibilités diverses de participer au marché du travail. D'après les dernières formules politiques, cette situation évolue. Pourtant, les changements sont invisibles dans la vie quotidienne des citoyens pauvres. Au contraire, les entretiens ont révélé que tout était comme avant.