Polarized America: The Dance of Ideology and Unequal Riches
In: Perspectives on politics, Band 5, Heft 3, S. 642
ISSN: 1541-0986
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In: Perspectives on politics, Band 5, Heft 3, S. 642
ISSN: 1541-0986
In: Perspectives on politics: a political science public sphere, Band 5, Heft 3, S. 642-644
ISSN: 1537-5927
In: Annual Review of Political Science, Band 11
SSRN
In: Julian J. Rothbaum Distinguished Lecture Series v.11
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 45, Heft 2, S. 203-210
In 2008 journalist Bill Bishop achieved the kind of notice that authors dream about. His book, The Big Sort: Why the Clustering of Like-Minded America Is Tearing Us Apart, was mentioned regularly during the presidential campaign; most notably, former president Bill Clinton urged audiences to read the book. Bishop's thesis is that Americans increasingly are choosing to live in neighborhoods populated with people just like themselves. In turn, these residential choices have produced a significant increase in geographic political polarization. Bishop does not contend that people consciously decide to live with fellow Democrats or Republicans; rather political segregation is a byproduct of the correlations between political views and the various demographic and life-style indicators people consider when making residential decisions. Whatever the cause, Bishop contends that the resulting geographic polarization is a troubling and dangerous development.
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 45, Heft 2, S. 203-211
ISSN: 0030-8269, 1049-0965
In: Annual review of political science, Band 11, S. 563-588
ISSN: 1545-1577
For more than two decades political scientists have discussed rising elite polarization in the United States, but the study of mass polarization did not receive comparable attention until fairly recently. This article surveys the literature on mass polarization. It begins with a discussion of the concept of polarization, then moves to a critical consideration of different kinds of evidence that have been used to study polarization, concluding that much of the evidence presents problems of inference that render conclusions problematic. The most direct evidence citizens' positions on public policy issues shows little or no indication of increased mass polarization over the past two to three decades. Party sorting an increased correlation between policy views and partisan Identification clearly has occurred, although the extent has sometimes been exaggerated. Geographic polarization the hypothesized tendency of like-minded people to cluster together remains an open question. To date, there is no conclusive evidence that elite polarization has stimulated voters to polarize, on the one hand, or withdraw from politics, on the other. Adapted from the source document.
In: Annual review of political science, Band 11, S. 563-588
ISSN: 1094-2939
In: Great questions in politics series
In: Perspectives on political science, Band 34, Heft 4, S. 218
ISSN: 1045-7097
We consider the consequences of the Senate electoral cycle and bicameralism for distributive politics, introducing the concept of contested credit claiming, i.e. that members of a state's House and Senate delegations must share the credit for appropriations that originate in their chamber with delegation members in the other chamber. Using data that isolates appropriations of each chamber, we test a model of the strategic incentives contested credit claiming creates. Our empirical analysis indicates that the Senate electoral cycle induces a back-loading of benefits to the end of senatorial terms, but that the House blunts this tendency with countercyclical appropriations. Our analysis informs our understanding of appropriations earmarking, and points a way forward in studying the larger consequences of bicameral legislatures.
BASE
In: American journal of political science, Band 53, Heft 2, S. 343-359
ISSN: 1540-5907
We consider the consequences of the Senate electoral cycle and bicameralism for distributive politics, introducing the concept of contested credit claiming, i.e., that members of a state's House and Senate delegations must share the credit for appropriations that originate in their chamber with delegation members in the other chamber. Using data that isolate appropriations of each chamber, we test a model of the strategic incentives contested credit claiming creates. Our empirical analysis indicates that the Senate electoral cycle induces a back‐loading of benefits to the end of senatorial terms, but that the House blunts this tendency with countercyclical appropriations. Our analysis informs our understanding of appropriations earmarking and points a way forward in studying the larger consequences of bicameral legislatures.
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 41, Heft 1, S. 129-138
ISSN: 0030-8269, 1049-0965
In: American political science review, Band 106, Heft 2, S. 430-455
ISSN: 0003-0554