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After the transition to democracy of socialist states in Eastern Europe and other authoritarian states in Asia and Latin America, which captured worldwide attention, the lenses now shift to Muslim states. Perceived as inherently authoritarian, Muslim societies invite criticism from the West as being incapable with democracy. In turn, the Muslims, though recognizing the precepts of democracy, question the validity of Western orthodoxy by challenging the exacting, secular model of democracy. They argue that the term "democracy" has been arbitrarily, as authoritarian and socialist states alike appropriate it their own designs. Moreover, they of the view that there is as yet no universally accepted and encompassing definition of democracy. In the final analysis, if the leaders, the people, and ultimately the state remain true to Islamic ideal, democracy would most likely have the same resonance in Muslim societies as elsewhere in the world.

The Peace Agreement between the Philippine government and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) signed in 1996 after the four years of negotiations under then President Fidel V. Ramos, was met with much publicity and opposition from, certain sectors of the Mindanao population. Implementing its promise of development was also not spared from criticism. But the weakness may be inherent to the terms of the agreement. For one, the powers and function of the Southern Philippines Council for Peace and Development (SPCPD) and the Consultative Assembly (CA) as mechanisms for the implementation of the Peace Agreement were limited by law. The SPCPD was not mandated to implement development projects but to coordinate and monitor projects being undertaken by line agencies that were reluctant to cooperate and credit their projects as part of the peace project. The CA was equally toothless as a forum to discuss and air problems in the SZOPAD areas. Budgetary and time constraints likewise hampered the efforts of the SPCPD and CA. Without sufficient funding support from the national government the project had to rely on supplementary donations from international organizations for the intensive development of SZOPAD areas. Three years were clearly not enough to turn Mindanao into an economic miracle or its leaders into development managers. The entry of government officials whose commitment to the Peace Agreement was not strong did not improve the situation either. However, the unrealized dreams of development cannot negate one accomplishment of the government - a moment of peace between two longtime enemies. The landmark peace treaty did bring peace, albeit, briefly to the war-torn region of Mindanao.

The experiences of a Muhajir (migrant or exile) are discussed in this article against the larger canvas of the so-called Moro problem, the formation of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), the exile of the leaders of MNLF to other countries to support the movement and to draw international attention to the Moro struggle, and the peace process and its immediate aftermath. It would seem that the exile of MNLF leaders contributed to the "internationalization" of the Moro problem and its solution. The Organization of Islamic Conference, Libya and Indonesia played a role in the negotiations between MNLF and the government.

Crouch, Harold: The recent resurgence of political Islam in Indonesia. Abdul Hamid, Ahmad Fauzi: An Islamist's view of an Islamic state and its relevance to a multi-racial society. Abubakar, Carmen A.: Domestic and external factors influencing the Islamic movement in Mindanao. Kassim, Yang Razali: The relationship between Singapore's Muslim community and international events