Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Information -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Acronyms and Abbreviations -- 1 Introduction -- 1.1 Research Question and Research Gap -- 1.2 Dependent Variable: External Alignments -- 1.3 Theoretical Approach: The Model of Two-Staged Alignment Formation -- 1.4 Methodology, Data, Sources -- 1.5 Overview of the Chapters -- Note -- References -- 2 Egypt's External Alignments: Selected Developments and Trends -- 2.1 Overall Impression: Diversification of Alignments -- 2.2 Egypt's External Economic Relations: Trade, FDI, Financial Assistance -- 2.3 Egypt's External Security Relations: Arms Imports and Military Exercises -- 2.4 Preliminary Conclusions: Several Changes Amid Some Continuities -- Notes -- References -- 3 Domestic Threats to Regime Survival -- 3.1 Theoretical Considerations and Guiding Research Questions -- 3.1.1 Threats to Regime Survival and External Alignments -- 3.1.2 Regime and Regime Survival: Definition and Operationalization -- 3.1.3 Guiding Research Questions and Structure of the Chapter -- 3.2 Regime Actors and Access to Power -- 3.2.1 Core: The Armed Forces -- 3.2.2 Main Ally: The Security Apparatus -- 3.2.3 Alienated Friends: The Business Elite -- 3.2.4 Supporting Organs: Cabinet, Parliament, Judiciary, Religious Authorities, and Co. -- 3.2.5 Preliminary Conclusions: Heterogeneous But Bound Together -- 3.3 Regime-society Relations: Ideological Foundation, Social Contract, Repression -- 3.3.1 Ideological Foundation: Nationalism, Islam, the Patriarchy -- 3.3.2 Social Contract: Satisfying Basic Needs in Exchange for Obedience -- 3.3.3 Repression: Silencing Dissent -- 3.3.4 Preliminary Conclusions: The Need to Sustain It All -- 3.4 Threat No. 1: The Muslim Brotherhood -- 3.5 Threat No. 2: Islamist Terrorism and Insurgency.

"Considering both changes and continuities, this book examines how, why, and along which lines Egypt's external alignments under the al-Sisi regime emerged and developed. Egypt's foreign relations have changed substantially since the current regime took power in 2013. To assess this, the author develops and applies a unique analytical approach: the model of 'two-staged alignment formation.' In the first stage, domestic threats to the Egyptian regime's survival determined specific needs the regime tried to meet by approaching external partners. In the second stage, characteristics of the global and regional environments defined opportunities and constraints and therefore the regime's options and logical choices. In sum, the interplay of developments on the domestic, regional, and global levels resulted in a diversification of Egypt's external alignments, with China and Russia joining the EU and the US as Egypt's main global partners, and Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates emerging as the regime's prime regional partners. Explaining the emerging alignment patterns from 2013 until 2017, this book aids understanding of the complexity of alignment formation and of Egyptian external relations in that critical period of time. This book will be of high interest to researchers and students working on Egyptian foreign relations, on relations between states, and on regional dynamics in the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) region. It is also valuable for practitioners, because it helps to understand an issue of high relevance for foreign policy making"--

"Considering both changes and continuities, this book examines how, why, and along which lines Egypt's external alignments under the al-Sisi regime emerged and developed. Egypt's foreign relations have changed substantially since the current regime took power in 2013. To assess this, the author develops and applies a unique analytical approach: the model of 'two-staged alignment formation.' In the first stage, domestic threats to the Egyptian regime's survival determined specific needs the regime tried to meet by approaching external partners. In the second stage, characteristics of the global and regional environments defined opportunities and constraints and therefore the regime's options and logical choices. In sum, the interplay of developments on the domestic, regional, and global levels resulted in a diversification of Egypt's external alignments, with China and Russia joining the EU and the US as Egypt's main global partners, and Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates emerging as the regime's prime regional partners. Explaining the emerging alignment patterns from 2013 until 2017, this book aids understanding of the complexity of alignment formation and of Egyptian external relations in that critical period of time. This book will be of high interest to researchers and students working on Egyptian foreign relations, on relations between states, and on regional dynamics in the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) region. It is also valuable for practitioners, because it helps to understand an issue of high relevance for foreign policy making"--

With which autocratic states should German cultivate foreign relations? How should such relations be approached? How do other democratic regimes deal with authoritarian regimes? These are the key questions addressed in the current Volume 30 of the Annals of the German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP). Over 50 experts from the realms of academia, business, and politics engage in rigorous analysis to illuminate policy options.

AbstractThis article addresses the puzzle of why the European Union (EU) struggles to learn from ineffective attempts to support democratization in the Arab world but instead continuously (re‐)produces democracy support malpractices. To better understand this phenomenon, we draw from practice theory and conceptualize EU democracy support as practices performed by a community of insiders who act within a complex constellation of communities of practice. Due to the way in which communities function, decision‐makers do not critically reflect on the background knowledge on which they base their practices and thus do not learn how to improve them. This constellation model offers a unique take on non‐learning within the EU and in (policy‐making) groups more generally. We illustrate the proposed conceptual framework through an empirical analysis of EU democracy support in Egypt, showing that the EU performs practices similar to those before the 2011 Revolution due to its inability to learn.

So vielfältig die Region zwischen Marokko und dem Iran ist, in manchem ähneln sich die Länder. Das gilt auch für die Herausforderungen, vor denen sie stehen. (IP)