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Using Indonesia as a case study, this article aims to contribute to the existing literature on why weaker states engage in hedging by examining how Indonesia's domestic factors influence its foreign policy decisions regarding the United States and China. The article argues that domestic and foreign policies are interconnected as domestic agendas, including the interests and aspirations of Indonesian politicians as well as public opinion, have led to variations in the country's hedging behaviours towards the two great powers. On one hand, domestic political and economic considerations drive Indonesia to engage with the United States and China. On the other hand, the same factors can also act as hindrances that limit Indonesia's engagement with these powers. Consequently, despite having strong defence ties with the United States, Indonesia now sees China as a major and essential economic partner that helps the country and its leaders achieve their development goals.(Contemp Southeast Asia / GIGA)

This paper try to explain why a country refused to join the nuclear weapons nonproliferation regime. The main argument of this article is the failure of the nuclear weapons nonproliferation regime to create a state-nuclear negara abandon their nuclear weapons because the regime does not successfully complete the core problem that triggered the decision to develop nuclear weapons. The decision will be difficult to change when it is done in order to maintain domestic power in the country that has nuclear weapons. Moreover, the perception of threat also came from rival states with nuclear weapons or non-nuclear states in alliance with the nuclear state. This article uses a case study of North Korea to prove the argument the author.Keywords : nuclear weapon, nuclear nonproliferation regime, nuclear politics, North Korea, Juche

Introduction: The army and ideology in Indonesia -- Tentara rakyat and dwifungsi : from Nasution to Suharto -- NKRI harga mati, ketahanan nasional, and MOOTW -- 'Proxy war' and 'bela negara' : the historical and political trajectory -- Conclusion: Ideology and democratic setback.

The current maritime challenges that Indonesia faced had not led to the development of the navy and air force. While theories of neoclassical realism highlighted the importance of domestic factors when determining responses at the strategic level, inefficiencies within the state bureaucracy had often been the bane of prudent policies. Our article attempts to engage with the neorealist concept of under-balancing to look at the reasons why there is stagnation in Indonesia's naval and air force development. The proponents of under-balancing blamed inefficient bureaucracy as the cause of the issue. Our study on Indonesia's naval and air force development indicated that inefficient bureaucracy was not the only driver of under-balancing. Looking at the agenda of naval and air force modernisation, this research argues the lack of commitment from the government, limited economic sources and the different modernisation priorities at the military unit level that had greatly contributed to the mismatch between systemic pressure and the response, in this case through naval and air force development, against it.

AbstractHow does Indonesia's positioning in relation to the Russia‐Ukraine war shape the country's view on global order? President Joko Widodo or Jokowi visited both Russia and Ukraine in June 2022 in the pretext of brokering peace between the two countries. Indonesia though refrained from taking sides in the Russo‐Ukraine war. During his visit, Jokowi stressed the necessity for the war to end. Equally important but of greater significance was his emphasis on the importance of re‐establishing the global supply chains of food, fertiliser, and energy. The resumption of these global supply chains would safeguard Indonesia's economic stability. We argue that domestic determinants were influential in moulding Indonesia's policy position which aimed at shaping Global South solidarity into one privileging Indonesia's transactional stance. The country's economic interests were a key driver shaping its response to the Russia‐Ukraine war. Furthermore, Indonesia's approach towards the war reflected 'varied consequentialism' as cost–benefit analysis plays a significant role.

The President of the Republic of Indonesia, Joko Widodo, appointed two former military generals, Ryamizard Ryacudu (2014–2019) and Prabowo Subianto (2019–present), for the first- and second-term defence minister positions consecutively. The appointment of military officers – either retired or active – as defence ministers has been perceived as a recipe for potential democratic setbacks. Current studies on the quasi-civilian defence minister mainly focused on explaining the logic behind such appointments. On the other hand, our study attempts to test the argument about whether the decision to select former military figures to lead the Ministry of Defence undermines civilian control. This article examines: (1) the institutional arrangement of the defence establishment; (2) the composition of the Indonesian Ministry of Defence's leadership structure; and (3) the leadership activities and key initiatives. The findings are that military officers have indeed dominated the ministry's organisational structure. Nevertheless, such domination did not automatically translate into the deterioration of civilian supremacy as the institutional arrangement limits those quasi-civilian defence ministers' manoeuvres.