Suchergebnisse

Title Page -- Copyright -- Table of Contents -- Body -- List of illustrations -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Part I: The conquest of the South -- I.1 "Sooner or later the trail of inquiry leads to the Negro." - The centrality of race in Southern politics and its Republican realignment -- I.1.1 The theory of racial resentment -- I.1.2 Strangers in their own home - African-American Democratic dominance and its white backlash -- I.1.3 At the confluence of racial resentment and the white backlash - The GOP's Southern Strategy -- I.1.4 The art of coded appeals, the spillover of race, and their effects on the GOP -- I.1.5 The continued ubiquity of race in the South -- I.2 The integral role of Christian conservatism in the Southern realignment -- I.2.1 America's preacher and its culture warriors - The intricate ties between the South and the Christian Right -- I.2.2 The alliance between the Christian Right and the GOP -- I.3 Reagan - The final push for realignment -- I.3.1 Reagan and the Christian Right -- I.3.2 Reagan and race -- I.3.3 The legitimate heir to Wallace - Reagan's lasting impact on the Republican Party -- Part II: The southernized and evangelized Republican Party and its future prospects -- II.1 The Southernization of the Republican Party across all levels -- II.1.1 Growth in Southern representation within the congressional Republican Party -- II.1.2 The rift between Southern and non-Southern Republicans in the U.S. House -- II.1.3 Southern partisan trends in presidential elections -- II.1.4 Southernization of the GOP - Polarization of the nation -- II.1.5 Conclusion: The continued exceptionalism of Southern whites and its impact on the GOP -- II.2 The Evangelicalization of the Republican Party across all levels -- II.2.1 White evangelical Protestants as the backbone of the contemporary Republican electorate

Republicans went into the 2022 election year expecting to capture both chambers of Con- gress . The eventual results turned out to be disappointing, however . The seizure of parlia- mentary power was hindered by their own cadre of candidates in particular . Inexperienced and often ideologically radical candidates lost several races that had seemed promising for the Republican camp just a few months earlier . Donald Trump's role in the selection process can be cited as a key reason for this mediocre showing . Candidates loyal to Trump fared noticeably worse than other Republican contenders for elected offices . Even despite these disappointing results, today's Republican Party has not turned away from the former presi- dent's national-populist agenda . Even beyond the radical fringe, the outcome of the previ- ous presidential election is still called into question . Moreover, majorities of Republican voters support a variety of Trump's sometimes anti-democratic positions . The Republican Party therefore continues to be on a path towards further radicalization .

From its very beginning, the Covid-19 pandemic was politicized in the United States . Then- President Donald Trump saw it was little more than another attempt by his political oppo- nents and the media to harm his electoral chances . The Democratic camp viewed Trump's actions as another example of the President's incompetence and the growing anti-science sentiment within the Republican Party . The fact that supporters of both parties interpreted the pandemic differently can be attributed in particular to the growth in "affective" polariza- tion . The political opponent is now increasingly perceived as an enemy that is wrong on all issues and often seen as a threat to the country's values and its democracy . Accordingly, masks, social distancing rules, and vaccinations were viewed from a partisan vantage point that hindered efforts to combat the pandemic in a unified manner . In other political areas, the growing antipathy between the two camps for one another can be expected to increas- ingly shape specific policy preferences as well .

Der Beitrag analysiert das Wahlergebnis der im Mai 2021 durchgeführten schottischen Regionalwahlen im Kontext der Konsequenzen auf die Zukunft des Vereinigten Königreichs. Als erste schottische Parlamentswahl nach dem Brexit-Volksentscheid, stellte die SNP den Urnengang als eine Art Referendum bezüglich eines zweiten Unabhängigkeitsreferendums dar: Mit dem Erhalt einer eigenen absoluten Mehrheit, so die SNP-Argumentation, müsse zweifelsfrei zeitnah eine erneute Volksabstimmung zur Zukunft Schottlands angesetzt werden. Auch wenn die schottischen Nationalisten zusammen mit den Grünen, die sich ebenfalls für die Unabhängigkeit aussprechen, eine Parlamentsmehrheit erreichten, stehen zahlreiche Hürden auf dem Weg zu einem erneuten Unabhängigkeitsreferendum – ein Sieg des separatistischen Lagers ist trotz des von der Johnson Regierung ausgehandelten vergleichsweisen "harten" Brexits und dessen Unpopularität in Schottland wie folgend aufgezeigt wird ebenso alles andere als sicher.

Donald Trump's loss in conjunction with the outcome of congressional elections has left the Republican Party entirely removed from the political levers of power in Washington, D .C . - a mere four years after they had obtained unified control of government at the federal level. What are the lessons Republicans can draw from these results? How can a President who engaged in open efforts to overturn a democratic election result continue to elicit a degree of support among the party's rank-and-file that has made him the current favorite to win the Republican Party's presidential nomination in 2024? Explanations are found both in the 45th President's governing record as well as in the composition of today's Republican electorate, which largely subscribes to Donald Trump's nativist populist worldview. The attitudes present among Republican voters were one of the key reasons why most Republican officials in Washington ultimately decided to at least tacitly support Trump's anti-democratic lie of a "stolen election". This may only have been a harbinger of the future threat Republicans pose to US democracy.

Franklin D. Roosevelt brach 1940 mit der Konvention der einmaligen Wiederwahl amerikanischer Präsidenten. Nur sieben Jahre später sollte die Republikanische Partei eine Verfassungsänderung auf den Weg bringen, die aus dieser Konvention eine strikte Vorgabe machte. Inmitten der aktuellen Diskussionen bezüglich des Zustands der amerikanischen Demokratie findet die Amtszeitbegrenzung kaum Beachtung. In Deutschland hat mit Angela Merkels anderthalb Jahrzehnte langer Kanzlerschaft hingegen die Debatte um die vermeintlichen Vorzüge des erzwungenen Rückzugs erneut an Aufmerksamkeit gewonnen.

Sah es im Februar 2020 für einige Wochen so aus als würde mit Bernie Sanders ein Kritiker des Demokratischen Establishments die Kandidatur der Partei erobern, so schaffte mit Joe Biden der bevorzugte Repräsentant des Mainstreams innerhalb weniger Tage dank seiner Siege in South Carolina und am Super Tuesday ein historisches Comeback. In seiner Gesamtheit bietet das Duell zwischen Biden und Sanders substanzielle Erkenntnisse hinsichtlich des Zustands der heutigen Demokratischen Partei, die zwar ideologisch nach links gerückt ist, aber den Sieg gegen Trump als übergeordnetes Ziel betrachtet.

Nach der Zwischenwahl 2018 können die Demokraten mit ihrer Mehrheit im Repräsentantenhaus allein ein Amtsenthebungsverfahren gegen Donald Trump einleiten. Die Frage stellt sich jedoch, inwiefern dieses Aussicht auf Erfolg hat, denn im Senat bräuchten sie für dessen Implementierung auch zahlreiche Republikanische Stimmen. Nach den ersten beiden Jahren sitzt der Präsident in der eigenen Partei jedoch fest im Sattel. Seine Politik hat auch konventionelle Republikaner zufrieden gestellt, und an der Basis stimmen 90 Prozent seiner Arbeit zu. Der Beitrag erörtert diese Popularität in den eigenen Reihen und gibt einen Ausblick auf die nächsten beiden Jahre der Trump-Präsidentschaft – wird diese bereits 2019 oder vielleicht doch erst 2024 enden?

Every ten years, the districts to the U .S . House of Representatives are redrawn, a task that in most states falls to state legislatures . Electoral success for Republican state parties has provided the party with the opportunity to draw district lines in its own favor, a factor that has contributed to - but not made possible - Republican majorities in the lower chamber of the U .S . Congress . The practice of redistricting has also contributed to the country's political polarization, as critics tend to nonetheless overstate the relevance of the former on the latter . Opponents of this method had hoped that the Supreme Court would use the case of Gill versus Whitford to declare a standard for determining unconstitutional gerrymandering . Instead, the justices decided to hand the case back down to a lower court before ruling a year later that the issue of partisan gerrymandering was non-justiciable . Reformers will therefore have to place more emphasis on plebiscitary measures at the state level . Regardless of any potential reforms that may be enacted in future years, their impact on both the majorities in the House of Representatives as well as on the level of polarization will be rather marginal . [ZParl, vol . 50 (2019), no . 4, pp . 852 - 869]

Within a mere five years, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) has
established itself in the German party system. During the same period, however,
it has undergone a significant ideological transformation as well. Initially
regarded as a direct competitor to the small-government Free Democrats, the
AfD has since adopted the tried-and-tested electoral approach of other rightwing
populist actors by embracing welfare chauvinist positions, linking the
survival of the welfare state to that of the nation state. In doing so it has made
substantial inroads into the blue-collar electorate, in some German states even
overtaking the Social Democrats as the preferred choice of the working class.