Suchergebnisse

The vast majority of articles describing new experiential exercises are presented from the perspective of the creator(s) of the activity. It is notable, however, that less research has focused on understanding the experiences of instructors who later adopt these exercises in their classrooms. We contribute to the literature on experiential learning in large classes by placing our focus squarely on the user—examining the perceptions, motivations, reflections, and experiences of instructors who integrate existing experiential exercises in large groups. Using a qualitative methodology, we interviewed 12 instructors of a large, multisection undergraduate course at a large Canadian university, in which a common experiential exercise is run across all sections. Two main themes emerged. The first captures the importance of making an exercise one's own and reflects the variety of strategies that instructors use when preparing to adopt an existing exercise—including active strategies through which the instructors become codesigners of the activity itself. The second reflects different perceptions, ranging from enthusiasm to skepticism, with respect to the value of using experiential exercises. Both themes point to the importance of, as well as strategies designed to enhance, instructor perceptions of self-efficacy in relation to running existing experiential exercises in one's courses.

International audience ; Climate change has become in 20 years one of the greatest economic, environmental and social challenges of our modern society. A wide variety of organizations – NGOs, governments, business, international bodies, local communities, research think tanks – are working together to design and implement a low carbon society. In this particularly uncertain context, characterized by distributed, lacunar, messy and sometimes contradictory scientific knowledge, the actors fail to converge on a common project regarding the architecture of a low carbon society. Projects and visions vary among actors and over time. Nevertheless, it is commonly admitted among experts and economists that a carbon price that would be stable, predictable and fair could provide the long term coordination that is needed to drive the implementation of a low carbon society. "A price of carbon would solve any problem" said a French expert in a recent interview . A 'right' price of carbon would diffuse in the economy and provide long term drive for technology breakthroughs and switch to low carbon products said another one . Such a 'right' carbon price would then stir up the profound societal changes that are required. In Europe, these great expectations over a 'right' carbon price have aroused an on-going design activity that enables the existence of the European carbon market (EU-ETS). The 'official' story of how carbon markets were designed and implemented, as it is told in economic handbooks and in the press, is well known and widely documented (e.g. Braun, 2009; Ellerman & al, 2010; Hourcade, 2002; Cass, 2005; Wetestad, 2005). According to this story, environmental economics is supposed to be particularly performative as it presents carbon markets as the output of thirty years of research program in environmental economics initiated in 1960 by Ronald Coase and his famous article, 'the problem of social costs'. This common representation tends to overlook three activities that enabled the concrete performation of ...

International audience ; Climate change has become in 20 years one of the greatest economic, environmental and social challenges of our modern society. A wide variety of organizations – NGOs, governments, business, international bodies, local communities, research think tanks – are working together to design and implement a low carbon society. In this particularly uncertain context, characterized by distributed, lacunar, messy and sometimes contradictory scientific knowledge, the actors fail to converge on a common project regarding the architecture of a low carbon society. Projects and visions vary among actors and over time. Nevertheless, it is commonly admitted among experts and economists that a carbon price that would be stable, predictable and fair could provide the long term coordination that is needed to drive the implementation of a low carbon society. "A price of carbon would solve any problem" said a French expert in a recent interview . A 'right' price of carbon would diffuse in the economy and provide long term drive for technology breakthroughs and switch to low carbon products said another one . Such a 'right' carbon price would then stir up the profound societal changes that are required. In Europe, these great expectations over a 'right' carbon price have aroused an on-going design activity that enables the existence of the European carbon market (EU-ETS). The 'official' story of how carbon markets were designed and implemented, as it is told in economic handbooks and in the press, is well known and widely documented (e.g. Braun, 2009; Ellerman & al, 2010; Hourcade, 2002; Cass, 2005; Wetestad, 2005). According to this story, environmental economics is supposed to be particularly performative as it presents carbon markets as the output of thirty years of research program in environmental economics initiated in 1960 by Ronald Coase and his famous article, 'the problem of social costs'. This common representation tends to overlook three activities that enabled the concrete performation of theoretical economy; that is to say design, negotiation and revision. We propose to adopt the perspective of (Callon 2009): "How are the different knowledge and know-how transported, experience capitalized on, and evaluations conducted?" We claim in this paper that in the case of carbon markets, the existence of design spaces that mediate between economics and economy (Guala, 2007) is central to explain the performation of the EU-ETS.

Creativity and innovation : state of the art and future perspectives for research -- A managerial leadership perspective on enabling creativity and innovation : a discourse of new categorisations -- Redefining creativity and innovation in organisations : suggestions for redirecting research -- How innovation impacts artistic creativity : managing innovation in the advertising sector -- Training for innovative design to increase organizational creativity : a longitudinal study of hydro-qu¿bec's research center -- Entrepreneurial creativity: effects of absorptive capacity and incubator tenancy -- What affects creative performance in idea co-creation : competitive, cooperative or coopetitive climate? -- Self-beliefs or creative self-efficacy with implications for creativity and innovation -- When a smile does no good : creativity reduction among avoidance- versus approach-oriented individuals in dyadic interactions -- What do we really know about creativity techniques? : a review of the empirical literature -- Organising for radical innovation: the benefits of the interplay between cognitive and organisational processes in kcp workshops -- Clown scouting and casting at the cirque du soleil : designing boundary practices for talent development and knowledge creation -- "Imagine that ..." : how to activate and capture users' ability to think creatively about future use

AbstractThis paper studies minority influence on individual tolerance to certain instances of fraud. Using an experimental approach, we divided 100 students from a business school into 25 groups and compared the individual trajectory of each group according to whether they were in a group composed of only fraud‐intolerant individuals (control), in a group with one fraud‐tolerant individual (minority), or in a group with two fraud‐tolerant individuals (equality). Our results indicate that individual fraud tolerance increases significantly after a group discussion in which only one more fraud‐tolerant individual participates, demonstrating the magnitude of the minority influence on the trajectory of individuals who were initially fraud intolerant.

AbstractThis paper studies minority influence on individual tolerance to certain instances of fraud. Using an experimental approach, we divided 100 students from a business school into 25 groups and compared the individual trajectory of each group according to whether they were in a group composed of only fraud‐intolerant individuals (control), in a group with one fraud‐tolerant individual (minority), or in a group with two fraud‐tolerant individuals (equality). Our results indicate that individual fraud tolerance increases significantly after a group discussion in which only one more fraud‐tolerant individual participates, demonstrating the magnitude of the minority influence on the trajectory of individuals who were initially fraud intolerant.

AbstractMost graduate programs in management require students to carry out a substantive research project. However, few management students have a comfortable command of the statistical techniques needed to realize such quantitative projects. This can lead to student anxiety and stress, which challenges instructors to devise ways to build students' self‐efficacy with statistical analysis. Drawing on game‐based learning principles, we developed an exercise to help students in a graduate‐level research methods course practice these statistical techniques. Designed around a series of four gamified challenges, students perform basic statistical analyses (correlations, t‐tests, and simple linear regression) to solve puzzles and unlock a reward hidden in a mysterious red envelope. We used the exercise on seven occasions (five times in the methods course and twice in a graduate program preparatory course). After launching it in fall 2021, we observed that students were engaged and enthusiastic about the exercise. To ascertain its effectiveness more systematically, we collected data in five subsequent sections using a pretest/posttest design (N = 84) which showed that perceptions of statistics self‐efficacy increased following the exercise. We conclude by suggesting that our exercise can be tailored to other learning contexts such as management and statistics‐centered courses.