Suchergebnisse

This book is devoted to simple but deep readings of the subtle and not-so-subtle messages in films, and to the interpretation of the silences that are strategically delivered through the mass media. Readers are welcome to agree, disagree, or even offer new readings of other relevant texts for the promotion of mass literacy and mutual understanding. The book will serve to equip the general public with skills for the development of literacy both within the walls of classrooms and beyond their boundaries in the outside world. It is based on a selection of blog posts and journal articles that are updated and brought together in book form for the first time here.

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of Figures and Tables -- Foreword -- Preface and Acknowledgements -- Dedication -- 1. Analytical Framework -- Introduction -- Description of Outline -- Clarification of Concepts -- Race-Class-Gender Articulation in Criminal Justice -- 2. Black Women and Justice in History -- Introduction -- Black Women and Slavery -- Black Women and Colonial Law -- Black Women and Neo-colonial Law -- Black Women and Internal Colonialism -- Conclusion -- 3. Black Women and Policing -- Introduction -- The Construction of Criminal Categories -- Victimisation as Policing -- The Question of Attitudes -- Organising Community Self-Defence -- Conclusion -- 4. Black Women and the Courts -- Introduction -- Disparity and Discrimination -- Support and Isolation -- The Hierarchy of Discreditability -- Observations on Procedure -- Conclusion -- 5. Black Women in Prison -- Introduction -- The Gender and Race of Prison Populations -- Racist Relations in Prison -- Gendered Racist Relations in Prisons -- Foreign Black Women in Prison -- Conclusion -- 6. Summary, Implications and Limitations -- Introduction -- General Summary -- Articulation and Decolonisation of Victimisation -- Equality, Marginalisation and Empowerment -- Conclusion: Lessons for Future Research -- Bibliography

Taking inspiration from Neo-colonialism: the last stage of imperialism, by Kwame Nkrumah of the thesis by Lenin that Imperialism (is) the highest stage of capitalism, I postulate that reparative justice is the final stage of decolonization (Nkrumah 1968). Based on the argument in Counter-Colonial Criminology that imperialism is the general form of all types of deviance in the sense that all acts of deviance seek to invade and colonize the private and public spaces of others, I conclude that reparative justice programs addressing the legacies of crimes committed by empires and corporations would signal the final stages of decolonization. Contrary to the conventional assumptions in criminology that poverty and powerlessness are the major causes of deviance, I suggest that power, not powerlessness, is a more significant cause of all deviance by the powerful and by the relatively powerless alike because the relatively powerless prey on those even more powerless in the community while the majority of the poor remain overwhelmingly law abiding and the rich get away with bloody murder, as Steve Box and Jeffrey Reiman theorized (Box, 1993; Reiman and Leighton, 2020). Accordingly, the preferred societal response to deviance should be reparative rather than punitive justice in keeping with the decolonization paradigm in criminology and justice towards a more humane world devoid of immigration control, repressive policing, the prison-industrial complex, racism-sexism-imperialism, militarism, homophobia, the war on drugs, capital punishment, homelessness, illiteracy, and without state power as class domination to make way for the principles of taking from all according to their abilities and giving to all according to their needs (Pfohl, 1994).

Agozino supports Amin's call for a Fifth International, but offers suggestions to make it more inclusive. He argues "It is not enough for the Fifth International to call on Workers of the World to Unite without questioning the extent to which racism, imperialism and patriarchy divide the working class and weaken the struggle to end exploitation." Although the First International addressed class exploitation in articulation with the struggles against the oppression of nationalities and racial groups and against gender oppression, "[t]he departure from the race-class-gender articulation or intersectionality model that Marx envisaged by the organizers of subsequent internationals may be part of the reasons why the organizational aim was not sustained." Agozino calls for more intentionality in constructing the leadership of the Fifth International than is in Amir's proposal. While Amir was attentive to the inclusion of African leadership, he paid less attention to the inclusion of women or indigenous peoples. And while Amin seemed concerned with creating a manageable process through the delegation of a small number of leaders, Agozino says it is "better to allow a million leaders to emerge from local to the global levels."

The reign of terror named terrorism as a state ideology during the French revolution but the practice of terrorism as public policy predated cries of liberte, egalite et fraternite, given the unprecedented peculiar history of Maafa or the African holocaust that went on for centuries, first across the Sahara and then across the Atlantic, under the sponsorship of various states. The error in terrorism is that it presumes that human beings are such scary cats that fear would be an effective policy for domination or liberation. On the contrary, human beings are a strange piece of work capable of facing the scariest threats even with a thrill of heroism or a yearning for martyrdom. The error in terrorism is that the state continues to fight fire with fire, a crazy form of vaccination by which the lethal doze of the disease is prescribed as the panacea for the virus. The error in anti-terrorism terrorism is that terrorists are not afraid to die and often crave martyrdom whether they are stateless or be-medaled agents of a state while the state frequently sponsors its own favorite terrorists against chosen enemies in proxy wars that tend to boomerang.

This article will attempt an original interpretation of Capital (Marx, K. 1867. Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Vol. 1. Marx/Engels Internet Archive, 1995, 1999. http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx) and other major works of Karl Marx to demonstrate that people of African descent are central to the discourse of Marx, contrary to widespread misconceptions by critics who attribute a Eurocentric orientation to Marx because of the accident of his birth in Europe and by allies because of his scholarly activism in European working-class politics. The paper argues that the earlier work of Marx and Engels ([1847] 1969. The Manifesto of the Communist Party in Marx/Engels Selected Works, Vol. One, pp. 98–137. Moscow: Progress Publishers), especially the Manifesto of the Communist Party, may have misled critics into believing that the history of all hitherto existing society alluded to by Marx and Engels was exclusively European history. On the contrary, there are hundreds of references to the 'Negro' in Capital, not as part of a peripheral or superficial concern relating to the issue of class exploitation in Europe, but as a foundational model for explaining and predicting the ending of the exploitation of the working class globally. The paper concludes that this reading adds credence to Africana Studies paradigms that privilege critical, Africa-centred scholar-activism as an important contribution to original theoretical, methodological and policy innovations.