Suchergebnisse

This article analyses Indonesia's conduct of human rights diplomacy post-Suharto era, starting from the presidency of B.J. Habibie to Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The study aims to identify how Indonesia's foreign policy instruments, specifcally human rights diplomacy, have been utilized on the international political stage to achieve Indonesia's national interests during that period. Unlike the previous periods, Indonesia's general attitude towards and policies governing human rights tend to be more active despite unresolved domestic human rights issues, evident from its various human rights advocacy efforts in regional and international forums. If previously Indonesia was accused of some of the most severe human rights violations, post-Suharto Indonesia has escaped this negative stigma, having strengthened its national interest while protecting, fulflling, and promoting human rights at both regional and international levels. Artikel ini menganalisis pelaksanaan diplomasi kemanusiaan pada era pascapemerintahan Presiden Suharto, mulai dari era kepresidenan B. J. Habibie hingga Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Studi ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifkasi bagaimana instrumen kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia, secara khusus diplomasi hak asasi manusia telah diimplementasikan dalam tatanan politik internasional untuk mencapai kepentingan nasional Indonesia dalam era terkait. Berbeda dengan periode-periode sebelumnya, perilaku dan kebijakan Indonesia terhadap hak asasi manusia cenderung lebih aktif, terlepas dari adanya isu-isu kemanusiaan pada tingkat domestik yang masih belum terselesaikan, melalui berbagai upaya advokasi hak asasi manusia di forum regional dan internasional. Apabila sebelumnya Indonesia memperoleh berbagai tuduhan serius terkait kasus pelanggaran hak asasi manusia, maka Indonesia pasca-Suharto telah berhasil keluardari stigma negatif tersebut, dengan memperkuat kepentingan nasionalnya sembari melindungi, memenuhi dan mempromosikan hak asasi manusia pada tingkat regional dan internasional.

This article is a critical tracer study of genealogy and development, including debates on the concepts and terminology of developing countries. By applying constructivism perspective, it aims to explain the meaning, categories, and criteria, the emergence and development of the idea, and the reason why these concepts and ideas have been changing from time to time. This article argues that the ontological existence (concepts and ideas) of the developing countries is the result of construction of agents both foreign countries–especially the western–and developing countries themselves. Therefore, the conceptualization of developing countries is inseparable from values and (self-)interest of each country, whether it is political, ideological, or economical. As a result, there must be possibilities of inconsistency from the agent in making categorization. This inconsistency is influenced by the changing of identity, world view, interests, and policies of the agents as an impact of geopolitical and geostrategic change in the world after Cold War. The significant economic and political development which has been experienced by some developing countries and the increasing of economic and political problems faced by some developed countries has forced the agents to reconceptualized their identity, interest, and foreign policy toward what so called developing countries.

"The international community has come together to pursue certain fundamental, common goals over the coming decade to 2030 to make progress toward ending poverty and hunger, improving social and economic well-being, preserving the environment and combating climate change, and maintaining peace. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) have been agreed to by states, which have in turn adopted national targets and action plans. This volume studies the governance and implementation of these goals in Southeast Asia, in particular the difficulties in the shift from the international to the national, the multi-level challenges of implementation, and the involvement of stakeholders, civil society, and citizens in the process. Contributors to this volume are scholars from across Southeast Asia who research these issues in developing (Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar), middle-income (Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam), and developed countries (Brunei, Singapore) in the region. The perspectives on governance and the SDGs emerge from the fields of political science, international relations, geography, economics, law, health, and the natural sciences"--

The international community has come together to pursue certain fundamental, common goals over the coming period to 2030 to make progress toward ending poverty and hunger, improving social and economic well-being, preserving the environment and combating climate change, and maintaining peace. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) have been agreed to by states, which have in turn adopted national targets and action plans.0This volume studies the governance and implementation of these goals in Southeast Asia, in particular the difficulties in the shift from the international to the national, the multi-level challenges of implementation, and the involvement of stakeholders, civil society, and citizens in the process. Contributors to this volume are scholars from across Southeast Asia who research these issues in developing (Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar), middle-income (Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam), and developed countries (Brunei, Singapore) in the region. The perspectives on governance and the SDGs emerge from the fields of political science, international relations, geography, economics, law, health, and the natural sciences

European economic integration and unity of this currency leaves form a very significant ketegantungan among its members, so that a crisis was enough to shake the stability between the countries members of the other. Basically the single currency system seems to be double-edged blade for the European Union. On the one hand so profitable and increase the bargaining positions of European countries, but on the other hand is potentially detrimental. One reason is because of the level of adaptation of a State. Not all countries have a great economy to enter the euro zone. The existence of this single currency system to make the countries in the European Union will become vulnerable to a crisis. This is what led to the crisis that occurred since 2008 is so easily spread to countries in Europe.This research focuses on the policy decision taken by the third country in the European Union, namely Germany, France and the United Kingdom. Domestic political factors of history, and also the economic power of these countries also affect how the policy making process to rescue Greece from the crisis that is increasingly spreading to other European countries. The main purpose of the discussion of this paper is to provide new information concerning the handling of crisis from a process whereby policies domestic factors also gives countries a great influence, it also gives a view that Constructivist Theory is able to provide a view of the case.Keywords: EU, Euro, Greece, Germany, France, United Kingdom, crisis, policy.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menemukan karakter security complex atau the pattern of amity andenmity antara Indonesia dan Australia. Secara garis besar aspek amity (kerjasama) antara kedua negara jauh lebih dominan dari pada aspek enmity-nya (permusuhan). Metode utama yang digunakan untuk menganalisis ada tidaknya hubungan kausalitas antara independent variable dandependent variable yaitu metode interpretive analytic dengan logika berpikir inductive. Pelajaran yang dapat diambil yaitu; pertama, kita tidak bisa bertindak berdasarkan harapan bahwa pihak lain akan berbuat baik pada kita. Kedua, seharusnya sejak awal kita memfokuskan diplomasikita untuk mencegah agar Australia tidak melakukan tindakan yang merugikan Indonesia. Ketiga, kita harus memahami bangsa dan negara tersebut di segala aspeknya, khususnya dinamika politik domestiknya secara lebih dalam dan lebih kritis lagi

Cakrawala : Jurnal Penelitian Sosial. Vol. III No. 2 Nopember 2014, p. 249-268 ; European economic integration and unity of this currency leaves form a very significant ketergantungan among its members, so that a crisis was enough to shake the stability between the countries members of the other. Basically the single currency system seems to be double-edged blade for the European Union. On the one hand so profitable and increase the bargaining positions of European countries, but on the other hand is potentially detrimental. One reason is because of the level of adaptation of a State. Not all countries have a great economy to enter the euro zone. The existence of this single currency system to make the countries in the European Union will become vulnerable to a crisis. This is what led to the crisis that occurred since 2008 is so easily spread to countries in Europe. This research focuses on the policy decision taken by the third country in the European Union, namely Germany, France and the United Kingdom. Domestic political factors of history, and also the economic power of these countries also affect how the policy making process to rescue Greece from the crisis that is increasingly spreading to other European countries. The main purpose of the discussion of this paper is to provide new information concerning the handling of crisis from a process whereby policies domestic factors also gives countries a great influence, it also gives a view that Constructivist Theory is able to provide a view of the case.

In spite of the fact that Islamic identity politics is not a new theme in Indonesia, this phenomenon is increasing in the public sphere after the 1998 reform. This is marked by the frequent use of religious issues in the political contestations such as the 2017 DKI Jakarta Gubernatorial election and the 2019 Presidential election. In the DKI election, certain Islamic groups demanded Basuki Tjahaya Purnama, who from the double minority group, as a subject due to blasphemy issue. However, in 2019 Presidential election which Joko Widodo and Prabowo Subianto rematched for the second candidacy, religious issues were also raising. Political contestation continued despite the fact that the two presidential candidates are Muslim. This interesting fact certainly raises the question of the phenomenon of national politics which leads not only to the strengthening of Islamic identity politics but also the identity politicsbetween Islamic groups in Indonesia. Based on field studies, literatures and interviews, this study will discuss the construction process of the identity politics of Islamic groups against social and political reality nowadays, moreover in the 2019 Presidential Election. In contrast to the other researches that still focuses on why identity politics arises, this research will examine the construction process, moreover in the 2019 Presidential election.

In spite of the fact that Islamic identity politics is not a new theme in Indonesia, this phenomenon is increasing in the public sphere after the 1998 reform. This is marked by the frequent use of religious issues in the political contestations such as the 2017 DKI Jakarta Gubernatorial election and the 2019 Presidential election. In the DKI election, certain Islamic groups demanded Basuki Tjahaya Purnama, who from the double minority group, as a subject due to blasphemy issue. However, in 2019 Presidential election which Joko Widodo and Prabowo Subianto rematched for the second candidacy, religious issues were also raising. Political contestation continued despite the fact that the two presidential candidates are Muslim. This interesting fact certainly raises the question of the phenomenon of national politics which leads not only to the strengthening of Islamic identity politics but also the identity politicsbetween Islamic groups in Indonesia. Based on field studies, literatures and interviews, this study will discuss the construction process of the identity politics of Islamic groups against social and political reality nowadays, moreover in the 2019 Presidential Election. In contrast to the other researches that still focuses on why identity politics arises, this research will examine the construction process, moreover in the 2019 Presidential election.

This research attempts to investigate an intermingled relationship of political interest and religious issues, particularly in the Jakarta's Gubernatorial Issues in 2017. Basuki Tjahaya Purnama or Ahok, one of the governor candidate and also the former governor was accused of blasphemy issues after his speech in the Pramuka Island becomes viral. Although this case ended with a court, which ruled that he was guilty and received a sentence of 2 years in prison, this has become an unforgettable fact of Indonesian democracy. The proposed inquiry is how far religious issues influence political tension for based non-religion countries such as Indonesia. By using approach of hate Spin, within the combination of hate speech (vilification or offense-giving) and indignation of the offense-taking framework, this paper focuses on the entanglements of a political campaign and religious issues in the election period. This issue is significant for the reason that the tension of religious and political issues put both democracy and multiculturalism in Indonesia. Indeed, there is still a good opportunity for maintaining diversity through producing tolerance view, and enforcing the law for the actor of hate speech and hate spin.

This study is trying to project some trends of U.S. foreign policy based on the results of presidential election in 2016. The United States had recently held presidential election on November 8, 2016. The victory of Republican candidate Donald Trump shocked the world that he defeated Democratic Hillary Clinton, who had excelled in some polls before the election. Various controversies raised by Trump did not prevent him from becoming the president-elect, as the global community soon became concerned with the possibility of the unstable international politics. After describing Clinton and Trump's stand on foreign policy during their campaign, the study will present the results of the presidential election. Trump's foreign policy is expected to show "the great American power," but at the same time his favor of protectionism could threaten international economic cooperations involving the United States. The U.S. could see its image of "world police" reduced, but this would not automatically make the world safer. Under the leadership of Trump, American foreign policy will face many problems and challenges that are not easy to solve. Tulisan ini mencoba untuk memproyeksikan beberapa kecenderungan kebijakan luar negeri Amerika Serikat berdasarkan hasil pemilihan presiden tahun 2016. Amerika Serikat baru saja menyelenggarakan pemilihan presiden pada tanggal 8 November 2016. Kemenangan kandidat Partai Republik, Donald Trump, mengejutkan dunia. Ia mengalahkan kanditat partai Demokrat Hillary Clinton, yang unggul dalam beberapa jajak pendapat sebelum pemilu. Berbagai kontroversi yang disampaikan oleh Trump tidak mencegahnya memenangkan pemilihan, membuat masyarakat dunia segera menjadi khawatir dengan kemungkinan politik internasional yang kacau. Setelah menggambarkan posisi Clinton dan Trump pada isu luar negeri selama kampanye mereka, studi ini akan menyajikan hasil pemilihan presiden tahun 2016. Kebijakan luar negeri Trump diharapkan menunjukkan "kekuatan besar Amerika," tetapi pada saat yang sama kecenderungan ...