Suchergebnisse

AbstractThis article explores forced migration and policy transition in East Africa using the case study of Kenya—a key regional destination for forced migrants. Using a descriptive and historical approach to highlight the dynamics of forced migration (1990–2021), the study emphasizes on what factors underlie the change of policy from integration to encampment. The author argues that central to this transition are discourses on national security, domestic, and regional politics. Using the theory of securitization, the study finds that assumptive blames on forced migrants expose them to greater vulnerabilities, while failure to recognize the challenges facing host states also undermines the management of forced migrants. The author concludes that the principles of global cosmopolitanism should underlie response and that when critical national interests necessitate stricter limitations on the extent to which forced migrants can enjoy certain rights and freedoms, then the international community must strive to play a greater role to minimize risks to both host nations and forced migrants.

Youth unemployment remains a global threat pushing youths to participate in various unlawful and dangerous activities. In Zimbabwe, a weak economy and domestic sociopolitical challenges have pushed youth unemployment rates to one of the highest in the continent and globally. Despite accounting for the largest population, Zimbabwean youths continue to be marginalized from the national development discourse, and this has had a general negative impact on the Zimbabwean national development agenda. The National Youth Policy, enacted in 2000 by the government to address youth unemployment through a multi-sectoral framework, has resulted in minimal progress. This paper adopts an in-depth qualitative literature review of academic articles, government reports, World Bank and IMF reports to conduct an analysis of the root causes of high youth unemployment rates in Zimbabwe, its effects and the performance of the measures undertaken by the government to address the problem. This study has identified frequent economic crises, weak education system, and poor implementation of macroeconomic policies by the government as some of the challenges increasing the rates of youth unemployment

The UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations has undergone significant changes in its organisation since 1948. A new global environment established by the end of Cold War, elevated the Police Division to a more pronounced role in international peace as an essential pillar of UN peacekeeping missions. Nonetheless, despite the increased role of police in international missions, research on police contributions to peacekeeping remains limited. This article addresses this gap in literature by highlighting the case of Turkey's contribution to UN international police peacekeeping missions. The article confirms empirically that the Turkish police contribution has increased since the 2000s by relying on quantitative data offered by the TUBAKOV dataset designed to collect data on international peacekeeping missions of Turkey. The paper contends that, besides global trends, the increased participation of Turkey in UN-led missions reflects its internal political dynamics. First, under the JDP rule, Turkey's Cold War era subtle foreign policy was transformed to a proactive policy in global politics. Second, since the 2000s, the transformation of civil–military relations has ended the system of military tutelage, and this has had a considerable impact on foreign policy. Civilian authority, by abolishing military dominance, has become the primary actor in foreign policy decision-making.

The South Sudan conflict flared up in 2013 hardly two years after successful secession from Sudan. This autonomy was achieved after more than two decades of intense fighting between the tribes from the north and south regions of Sudan. However, the path to creating a new united and modern state has been challenging for South Sudan. This article explores post-conflict reconstruction for Africa's newest state through an in-depth analysis of the conflict narratives, peace processes, humanitarian crisis and the challenges of state-building for South Sudan. The article argues that the challenge to the establishment of a strong and stable South Sudanese state is because of the fragile social, political and economic status that the country inherited at independence. This article also identifies that ethnicity has been exploited by the different political actors in the conflict to achieve personal and group interests leading to outbreak of one of the most intense conflicts not only within Africa, but also globally. ; Güney Sudan çatışması, 2013 yılından itibaren, bölgenin Sudan'dan başarılı bir şekilde ayrılmasından yaklaşık iki yıl sonra, yükselişe geçmiştir. Güney Sudan'ın bu özerkliği, Sudan'ın güney ve kuzey bölgelerinde yer alan yerel grupların yirmi yılı aşkın bir süredir devam eden yoğun çatışmaları sonrası sağlanmıştır. Ancak, Güney Sudan için yeni, birleşik ve modern bir devlet inşası halen önemli sorunları bünyesinde taşımaktadır. Bu makalede, Afrika'nın en yeni devletinin çatışma sonrası yeniden inşa süreci; insani krizler, barış süreçleri ve Güney Sudan'ın devlet inşası sürecinde karşılaştığı temel problemler ekseninde, derinlemesine analiz edilmektedir. Makalede, güçlü ve istikrarlı bir Güney Sudan'ın kurulmasının önündeki en önemli engeller olarak bağımsızlık sürecinden miras kalan kırılgan toplum yapısı, istikrarsız ekonomik ve siyasi yapı ifade edilmektedir. Makalede etnisite kavramı, sadece Afrika'da değil küresel eksende de en yoğun çatışmalardan biri olan Güney Sudan'da, farklı siyasal grupların bireysel ve kolektif çıkarların gerçekleştirilmesi amacıyla istismar edilmiş bir araç olarak tanımlanmaktadır.

Chapter 1: Introduction -- Chapter 2: The Origins of Conflict In Somalia: A Historical Context -- Chapter 3: Clan Configuration and Identity Networks in Somalia -- Chapter 4: Spatial (Un)Governance and Its Application in Somalia -- Chapter 5: Complexity of Somalia Conflict: Features and Actors -- Chapter 6: Socio-Economic and Political Consequences of the Somali Conflict -- Chapter 7: Impact of the Somali Conflict on National and Regional Security -- Chapter 8: Conclusion.

Since independence, African governments have been criticized for either their slow, ineffective, or lack of homegrown solutions when addressing challenges in their respective countries. From economic and development models to dealing with conflicts, governance practices, and planning, overreliance and dependence on external practices which sometimes fail to take into consideration the unique domestic challenges have characterized the response of many African governments. This has, in turn, tainted the image of the continent over their ability to adequately deal with disasters. As the rest of the world is struggling to deal with their share of challenges as a result of the pandemic, it is becoming increasingly important that every country adopts measures that will effectively deal with the spread of the disease. This essay seeks to step back from the seemingly crowded debate over where the next epicentre of COVID 19 will be in Africa and focus on what lessons and measures governments in Africa can adopt during and after the pandemic.

WOS: 000604466600001 ; PubMed: 33425656 ; Since independence, African governments have been criticized for either their slow, ineffective, or lack of homegrown solutions when addressing challenges in their respective countries. From economic and development models to dealing with conflicts, governance practices, and planning, overreliance and dependence on external practices which sometimes fail to take into consideration the unique domestic challenges have characterized the response of many African governments. This has, in turn, tainted the image of the continent over their ability to adequately deal with disasters. As the rest of the world is struggling to deal with their share of challenges as a result of the pandemic, it is becoming increasingly important that every country adopts measures that will effectively deal with the spread of the disease. This essay seeks to step back from the seemingly crowded debate over where the next epicentre of COVID 19 will be in Africa and focus on what lessons and measures governments in Africa can adopt during and after the pandemic.

This article seeks to examine how regional organisations in Africa are responding to the growing call for them to provide alternative approaches and models of economic development in the continent. The study interrogates the role of the African Development Bank (AfDB) as an agent of a changing global governance system and an emerging leader in Africa's development journey. The article begins by reflecting on the debate of a decline in global governance; it looks at Africa within the global economy and examines the organisational structure, contributions and changing role of the AfDB since its inception. It concludes that the AfDB finds itself in a unique position of trust among donors and African states at a time when traditional institutions are becoming less popular. It recommends AfDB adopt a number of reforms needed to help it maximise its impact on the continent.

This article seeks to examine how regional organisations in Africa are responding to the growing call for them to provide alternative approaches and models of economic development in the continent. The study interrogates the role of the African Development Bank (AfDB) as an agent of a changing global governance system and an emerging leader in Africa's development journey. The article begins by reflecting on the debate of a decline in global governance; it looks at Africa within the global economy and examines the organisational structure, contributions and changing role of the AfDB since its inception. It concludes that the AfDB finds itself in a unique position of trust among donors and African states at a time when traditional institutions are becoming less popular. It recommends AfDB adopt a number of reforms needed to help it maximise its impact on the continent

This paper seeks to revisit the narratives surrounding China and Africa relations. While these engagements have attracted the attention of scholars and policymakers, the emphasis has been on the economic aspects and a little attention has been made to examine the role of non-economic drivers. This paper argues that even though economic drivers are significant, Africa and China relations go beyond economic drivers. It identifies non-economic factors like the personality of president Xi Jinping and his personalised relations with African leaders, perceived attitudes of Western countries towards the continent, China's political system, politics of mega projects in Africa, China's soft power strategies and historical experiences as significant factors in strengthening relations between Beijing and the continent. It looks at attractiveness as an important concept in understanding states' actions and relations. The paper concludes that engagements between China and Africa maybe characterised by huge economic factors, but the foundation of these relations is attractiveness anchored on a number of non-economic drivers.