Suchergebnisse

This article examines regime types and the impact of military coups and regime change on conflicts among West African states. The main hypothesis tested is that radical regimes threaten the relatively stable but soft states; counterthreat measures result in conflict situations. Analysis is made of threat perception, the interrelatedness of coups d'état, regime change, and conflicts against the backdrop of the theories of linkage politics and political development. Indications are that interstate conflicts occur and are exacerbated with the emergence of radical-type military regimes, when conformist-type regimes are alarmed about the contagiousness of domestic turbulence. The linkage between domestic change and external conflict behavior is exemplified by the study; however, the subject deserves further exploration.

Linkage between domestic change and external conflict behavior since the 1960s.

The history of the past three decades in Africa would seem to confirm that the rôle of the military in political and economic development may no longer be considered transient. Armed interventions have become institutionalised, if not constitutionalised, in many African states. By December 1985 no less than 60 successful and 71 attempted coups d'état had occurred in 37 states since January 1956.1 Just as most of the first generation of African politicians chose 'socialism' to explain and justify their policies, so 'revolution' has become the rallying cry for the military leaders, even though they have often quickly been content just to 'take over', and not to transform, the previous civilian régime.

Ausführliche Diskussion der von Leutnant Jerry Rawlings nach einem erfolgreichen Staatsstreich seit 1982 eingeleiteten Reformpolitik, nachdem dieser erkannt hatte, daß er einen praktisch bankrotten Staat übernommen hatte. Kurzer Rückblick auf die Kolonialzeit und die postkoloniale Politik vor seiner Machtübernahme. Maßnahmen der neuen Militärregierung (Provisional National Defence Council - P.N.D.C.) auf den Gebieten der Verwaltung, des Rechtswesens, der Wirtschaft, der internationalen Beziehungen. Beurteilung der Entwicklung. Größte Herausforderung der Zukunft wird sein, wie das Regime auf weitere Demokratisierungswünsche seiner politisch wachen Bevölkerung reagiert. (DÜI-Hlb)

From the deposition of Haile Selassie in 1974 to the abrogation of the Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement in 1977; based on conference paper.

This article concerns the military assistance relationship between the United States and Ethiopia, especially during the early years of the Ethiopian revolution, from 1974 to 1977. The interaction between the outbreak of the uprising and American military assistance and the impact of one upon the other are our main concerns. Besides the objective needs of the revolution to reorient Ethiopia's domestic and external politics, other important forces contributed to the abrogation of the U.S.-Ethiopia Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement that had tied the two countries together for nearly three decades. Both the process and substance of the assistance relationship are analyzed-from the moment the Ethiopian armed forces intervened in the unfolding revolution to the time Menghistu Haile Mariam captured the political leadership. Such forces as the radicalization of Ethiopia's domestic politics, the American shift of its assistance policy from grant aid to foreign military cash and credit sales, the Soviet decision to embrace Menghistu, and American perceptions and reactions to the revolution were all important contributary factors to the MDAA's demise. In the face of new political realities in Ethiopia, the assumptions upon which the U.S.-Ethiopia relationship was built could no longer hold.

U.S.-Soviet rivalry and their involvement in African conflicts since 1976. Political cost to Kenya, Somalia, and Ethiopia.