Suchergebnisse

In light of the current ethnic polarisation, this paper
briefly enumerates the elements of ethnic conflict in Pakistan. It,
then, discusses the economic, demographic, political, and cultural
developments taking place in Pakistan which tend to affect the
inter-relationships among ethnic communities and between society as a
whole and ethnic communities. Evidence is presented to support the
argument that despite surface tensions and confrontations, there is an
unmistakable trend of greater inter-dependence which can contribute to
national integration. The paper further analyses the relationship
between ethnicity, class, and the state. It identifies military,
bureaucracy, capitalists, and landlords as the principal elements of the
"ruling class", and shows that the different ethnic groups have
different class structures and differential participation in military
and bureaucracy. It points out the near absence of "cross cutting
cleavages" which tends to turn the class and power conflicts into ethnic
conflicts. In conclusion, the paper, while underlining the shifting
definitional boundaries and relative demographic and cultural
homogenisation of the population, argues against the redrawing of
provincial boundaries and constitutional recognition of "nationality
rights" of fixed ethnic groups. However, it makes a case for the
recognition of ethnic diversity in Pakistan, equal treatment of all
ethnic groups, and protection and promotion of the languages and
cultures of the different ethnic groups. It argues that national unity,
security, and integrity will be achieved if the primary emphasis is
placed on promoting equity and harmony rather than on suppression of
ethnic differences in the name of unity.

The Pakistan People's Party (PPP) has moved decisively to the right since its astounding electoral victory in 1970. Although its official slogan is "Islam is our religion; socialism is our economy; democracy is our pol," & despite its claims to "serve the people" in the "Chinese way," the PPP has consistently pursued counter-revolutionary policies wrapped in populist rehetoric. The party is rapidly losing the support of the Pakistani masses who rallied to it after the confusion & demoralization that accompanied the military defeat of West Pakistan by India over Bengladesh, & after broad enthusiasm of the masses about a pol'ly victorious party that would deliver them from their age-old exploitation & oppression. The gov's policy toward labor & the Left of co-optation, containment & destruction has won them the support of the Pakistani bourgeoisie & rightist elements that were formerly opponents. The land reform measures, that set the peasant tenant against the smaller-owner & therby undermine unity among the poor tillers, have attracted the feudal remnants to the PPP. As the PPP transforms itself into a traditional bourgeois-feudal party, it loses its leftist middle echelon leadership & cadre & its ability to mobilize grass-roots support. As the Pakistani economy increasingly attaches itself to internat'l imperialism, & as Pakistani policies more clearly show it is becoming a part of US Mediterranean & Gulf strategy, the state controlled media continues to promote the myth of non-aligned independence. The formerly leftist Nat'l Awami Party (NAP) is also shifting to the right, although in the past it advocated non-alignment, secularism, rights of the nat'lities, land reforms, & civil liberties. The lesson drawn from Pakistan is that bourgeois-led multi-class parties & parliamentary pol fail as a means of soc change in a neo-colonial context. A. Karmen.