Suchergebnisse

Bu çalışmanın temel amacını, Avrupa Birliği için bir anayasa oluşturulmasına dair atılan adımların incelenmesi oluşturmaktadır. Bu bağlamda çalışmada izlenilen yöntem; önce Nice ardından da Laeken Zirvelerinde ortaya koyulan hedefler (Avrupa Birliği içerisinde yetkilerin tanımı ve genel işleyişi, Avrupa Birliği araçlarının basitleştirilmesi, Avrupa Birliği içerisinde daha fazla demokrasi, şeffaflık ve etkililik, Avrupa Birliği Anayasası oluşturulması) çeperinde anayasalaşmaya dair iki önemli belgenin, yani Avrupa Birliği Anayasa Taslağı ve Lizbon Antlaşması'nın içeriğinin analiz edilmesidir. Bu analiz çerçevesinde Avrupa Birliği'nin anayasalaşamayan anayasallaşma çabası detaylı biçimde ortaya koyulmaya çalışılmıştır; sonuç olarak Avrupa Birliği, her ne kadar anayasa taslağı ile anayasalaşma ülküsüne yaklaşmış ise de Lizbon Antlaşması ile bu ülküsünden uzaklaşmış bulunmaktadır. Nihayetinde, 1 Aralık 2009 tarihinde yürürlüğe girmiş olan Lizbon Antlaşması bir anayasa değildir. Zira Antlaşma, reddedilen anayasa taslağının aksine federe bir yapının öncüsü olmaktan uzaktır. Bir başka deyişle Avrupa Birliği'nin Nice ve Laeken Zirveleri temelinde başlayan anayasallaşma süreci, Lizbon Antlaşması zemininde anayasalaşamayan bir yapı arz etmektedir. ; In this paper the main aim is analyzing the steps have been taken in order to form a constitution for the European Union. Therefore, the methodology stated on the exami¬nation of the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe and the Treaty of Lisbon under the scope of the Nice and Laeken Summits' conclusion goals; which are identifying authorities and general structure in European Union, reducing the structure of European Union's tools, gaining more democracy, transparency and efficiency in European Union and creating a European Constitution. Through this examination, the constitutionalisation endeavor of the European Union has been deeply implied. In conclusion, the Treaty of Lisbon was a back step comparing to Draft of Constitution. Consequently, the Treaty of Lisbon -which came into force in 1 December 2009- is not a constitution for European Union but another constitutive European Union Treaty which is the very close law document to be a constitution for European Union because it does not brings any federational features to the European Union and also reduces or removes some (as flag, anthem, European Union Foreign Minister) which have been designed in Draft of Constitution. In other words, the constitionalisation process of the European Union, which has begun under the scope of the Nice and Laeken Summits' conclusion goals, temporarily ended to a withdraw with the Treaty of Lisbon.

1. Introduction -- 2. UNHCR and covid-19: from emergency response to revitalizing global compact on refugees -- 3. Post-truth period in world politics -- 4. Problem of cooperation in stag hunt game: great power politics in the covid-19 pandemic -- 5. The pandemic and entities in South Caucasus -- 6. The dilemma between carbon neutrality and energy security: understanding the likely impacts of the covid-19 and the Russia Ukraine war on the EU climate targets -- 7. The gendered dynamics of covid-19: International politics and women leaders -- 8. Growing importance of regional integration and procurement in the coronavirus pandemic: the case of RCEP and its hegemonic reflections -- 9. The organization of Turkic states in the post-pandemic world order -- 10. Latin America and the Caribbean in the post-pandemic world: rethinking inequalities -- 11. Africa and covid-19 -- 12. National security during covid-19: changing national security policies of countries -- 13. Public diplomacy during the covid-19 pandemic -- 14. International human rights and covid-19 -- 15. From failure to resilience: reimagining international policy-making of covid-19 and climate-induced migration in the age of uncertainty -- 16. From pandemic to infodemic: the European Union's fight against disinformation -- 17. The impact of covid-19 on global energy security and energy geopolitics -- 18. Global governance in crisis? conclusions from the covid-19 pandemic.

1. Introduction -- 2. Humanitarian Supply Chains in COVID-19 Era -- 3. Crossing Borders in the COVID-19 Lockdown Process: Vaccine Diplomacy -- 4. Fiscal Space and Climate Change in the Post-COVID-19 Pandemic: Double Crises of SIDS -- 5. the International Trade Agenda of the Pandemic: Systematic Evaluation of the Global Trade Crisis in the Post-COVID-19 Era -- 6. Anti- Immigration Rhetoric of Far-Right Movements in the COVID-19 Era -- 7. Borders in the Post-Pandemic World Order -- 8. The Role of Artificial Intelligence in Tackling COVID-19 -- 9. COVID-19 Pandemic in Africa: Global Uncertainty and Security Quests -- 10. Post-Pandemic Economies Development Perspective in Countries of the South Caucasus: Comparative Analysis -- 11. COVID-19 and the Political Economy of Depending Socio-Economic Inequalities -- 12. Optimistic Outlook on the Impact of COVID-19 -- On Higher Education -- 13. Digital Diplomacy: As A Strategy of Global Crisis Management During the Time of COVID-19 -- 14. Xenophobia, Racism, and Populism in the COVID-19 Era -- 15. Concerns About Civod-19 in the Eyes of Respondents: Example from Poland -- 16. Branding in the Pandemic: the "Cool Japan" Strategy -- 17. Impact of COVID-19 On Greenhouse Gas Emission in OECD Countries: K-Mean Method -- 18. Re-Thinking International Migration in Terms of Vulnerability: A Critical Overview of the COVID-19 Pandemic.

"Diplomacy, Society and the COVID-19 Challenge brings together authors from various disciplinary backgrounds to examine the impacts of the pandemic on world politics and international relations, focusing on diplomacy and national, regional, and global responses to COVID-19. The authors adopt a critical perspective which questions the general assumption that security is only related to state security. The book's first part deals with diplomacy and COVID-19, exploring forms such as virtual, digital, and science diplomacy. The second part, on national and regional responses to COVID-19, provides a detailed evaluation of the foreign policies of states and regional actors and the national/regional impacts of the pandemic. The third part investigates the responses of international organisations, such as NATO and the OECD, to COVID-19's transformative and disruptive effects. This book will be of interest to students, scholars, and researchers of international relations, diplomacy, security studies, global governance, political science, political economy, and global public health, especially those with a particular focus on COVID-19 and how it has changed the world"--

Chapter 1. Introduction to Digital Diplomacy in the OSCE Region -- Chapter 2. Digital Diplomacy in Azerbaijan: Lessons Learned and Future Opportunities -- Chapter 3. Balkan Style Digital Diplomacy -- Chapter 4. Digitalisation in Central Asia: Progress and Potential -- Chapter 5. German Digital Diplomacy -- Chapter 6. A New Frontier in Diplomacy: Digital Diplomacy Implementations in Kazakhstan -- Chapter 7. Digital Diplomacy in Spain: A Steep Learning Curve -- Chapter 8. Türkiye's Digital Diplomacy Initiative: Challenges and Opportunities -- Chapter 9. UK Digital Diplomacy -- Chapter 10. The Impact of Twitter on Digital Diplomacy in the Context of International Media -- Chapter 11. The Impact of Digital Diplomacy on Security: the Case of the Russia-ukraine War -- Chapter 12. Bringing Diplomacy to the Digital Age -- Chapter 13. Essential Attributes Guiding the Danish Practice of Digital Diplomacy on Global Affairs -- Chapter 14. Diplomacy and Challenges in the Digital Age: the Italian Case Study.-Chapter 15. Data-informed Diplomacy: Adapting to the Digital Age in International Relations and Implementation in the OSCE Region.

Eurasian Politics and Society: Issues and Challenges studies the various outcomes of regional transformation, the ideology of Turkish Eurasianism, and the Eurasian Economic Union. In doing so, it looks at the power struggle in the South Caucasus, Kazakhstan's relations with Russia, Russia's sense of Eurasianism, and geopolitical awareness as a pattern of imperial self-perception for Putin's Russia. The book also provides a detailed analysis of the situation in Syria from a humanitarian perspective, and utilizes an innovative approach in exploring how the European Neighbourhood Policy resonates