Suchergebnisse

Chapter 1: Introduction: Japan and Global Health in the COVID-19 Pandemic -- Chapter 2: Japan and Gavi: Its Global Health Diplomacy for the COVAX Facility -- Chapter 3: Japan and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria -- Chapter 4: Japan and the GPEI: Toward a Polio-Free World -- Chapter 5: Japan's TICAD Diplomacy for Global Health in Africa -- Chapter 6: Japan's Changing ODA Diplomacy for Global Health -- Chapter 7: Japan and the Business Leaders' Coalition for Global Health -- Chapter 8: Japan and the GFF: For Health and Nutrition of Mothers and Children -- Chapter 9: Japan, the GHIT Fund, and Neglected Tropical Diseases (NTDs) -- Chapter 10: Japan's Global Health Strategy and the 2023 G7 Hiroshima Summit -- Chapter 11: Japan and CEPI: In Preparation for the Next Pandemic -- Chapter 12: Chapter 11: Japan and CEPI: In Preparation for the Next Pandemic.

1. Einleitung: Eine Studie über die Premierminister im Nachkriegsjapan -- 2. Kantaro Suzuki: Der Premier, der den Krieg beendete -- 3. Naruhiko Higashikuni: Der kaiserliche Führer, der die Streitkräfte auflöste -- 4. Kijuro Shidehara: Ein Internationalist, der sich die Friedensklausel zu eigen machte - 5. Shigeru Yoshida (I): Der Antikriegspazifist als Diplomat und Führer - 6. Tetsu Katayama: Der christliche Pazifist und erste sozialistische Premierminister - 7. Hitoshi Ashida: Der Diplomat, Journalist und Verfechter des internationalen Friedens - 8. Shigeru Yoshida (II): Der Friedensvertrag, die Allianz und die Selbstverteidigungskräfte -- 9. Ichiro Hatoyama: Der erste LDP-Premier, der die Beziehungen zu Moskau normalisierte -- 10. Tanzan Ishibashi: Der Antikriegsjournalist, Staatsmann und Friedensphilosoph - 11. Nobusuke Kishi: Der nationalistische Premier, der den Sicherheitsvertrag revidierte - 12. Hayato Ikeda: Der Plan zur Einkommensverdopplung und die Initiative "Frieden durch Wohlstand" - 13. Eisaku Sato: Nichtnukleare Politik, atomfreies Okinawa und der Friedenspreis - 14. Kakuei Tanaka: Die Umgestaltung Japans und die Normalisierung der Beziehungen zu China - 15. Takeo Miki: Der Antikriegspazifist und Verfechter einer sauberen Politik -- 16. Takeo Fukuda: Die Fukuda-Doktrin und die in alle Richtungen gehende Friedensdiplomatie - 17. Masayoshi Ohira: Der Architekt des Konzepts für die Zusammenarbeit im pazifischen Raum - 18. Zenko Suzuki: Der besonnene Premier auf der Suche nach einer Politik der Harmonie - 19. Yasuhiro Nakasone: Der nationalistische Führer auf der Suche nach Autonomie und echter Allianz -- 20. Noboru Takeshita: Der Verfechter der internationalen Zusammenarbeit für den Weltfrieden -- 21. Sosuke Uno: Skandale und Gipfeldiplomatie -- 22. Toshiki Kaifu: Die Golfkrise, das UN-Gesetz zur Friedenskooperation und der Golfkrieg - 23. Kiichi Miyazawa: UNPKO und die Entsendung von Selbstverteidigungskräften - 24. Morihiro Hosokawa: Die erste nicht-LDP/nicht-kommunistische Koalitionsregierung -- 25. Tsutomu Hata: Der dienstälteste Premierminister der Nachkriegsverfassung -- 26. Tomiichi Murayama: Offizielle Entschuldigung für Japans Kolonialherrschaft und Aggression -- 27. Ryutaro Hashimoto: Die Gemeinsame Erklärung von Japan und den USA und die Verteidigungsrichtlinien - 28. Keizo Obuchi: Der Visionär und Initiator von Japans Diplomatie der menschlichen Sicherheit - 29. Yoshiro Mori: Der Kyushu-Okinawa-Gipfel und die Resolution zum Olympischen Frieden - 30. Junichiro Koizumi: Von der Kantei-Diplomatie zur Anti-Atom-Diplomatie -- 31. Shinzo Abe (I): Auf dem Weg zu einem schönen Land" und die Verfassungsrevision -- 32. Yasuo Fukuda: Das Ringen um einen internationalen Beitrag in der verdrehten Diät -- 33. Taro Aso: Werteorientierte Diplomatie und der Bogen von Freiheit und Wohlstand -- 34. Yukio Hatoyama: Erster DPJ-Premier und die Vision für die ostasiatische Gemeinschaft -- 35. Naoto Kan: Das große Erdbeben in Ostjapan und die Nuklearkatastrophe -- 36. Yoshihiko Noda: Entscheidung über Atomenergie und SDF-Einsatz im Südsudan -- 37. Shinzo Abe (II): Abenomics und proaktiver Beitrag zum Frieden -- 38. Yoshihide Suga: Auf dem Weg zu einer kohlenstoffneutralen Gesellschaft während der Pandemie -- 39. Schlussfolgerung: Japanische Premierminister im Wandel des internationalen Systems.

1. Introduction: A Study of Prime Ministers in Postwar Japan -- 2. Kantaro Suzuki: The Premier Who Ended the War -- 3. Naruhiko Higashikuni: The Imperial Leader Who Disbanded the Armed Forces -- 4. Kijuro Shidehara: An Internationalist Who Embraced the Peace Clause -- 5. Shigeru Yoshida (I): The Antiwar Pacifist as a Diplomat and Leader -- 6. Tetsu Katayama: The Christian Pacifist and First Socialist Premier -- 7. Hitoshi Ashida: The Diplomat, Journalist, and Advocate for International Peace -- 8. Shigeru Yoshida (II): The Peace Treaty, the Alliance, and the Self-Defense Forces -- 9. Ichiro Hatoyama: The First LDP Premier to Normalize Relations with Moscow -- 10. Tanzan Ishibashi: The Antiwar Journalist, Statesman, and Peace Philosopher -- 11. Nobusuke Kishi: The Nationalist Premier Who Revised the Security Treaty -- 12. Hayato Ikeda: The Income Doubling Plan and Peace through Prosperity Initiative -- 13. Eisaku Sato: Non-Nuclear Policy, Nuclear-Free Okinawa, and the Peace Prize -- 14. Kakuei Tanaka: Remodeling Japan and Normalizing Relations with China -- 15. Takeo Miki: The Antiwar Pacifist and Advocate for Clean Politics -- 16. Takeo Fukuda: The Fukuda Doctrine and All-Directional Peace Diplomacy -- 17. Masayoshi Ohira: The Architect of the Pacific Basin Cooperation Concept -- 18. Zenko Suzuki: The Dovish Premier in Pursuit of the Politics of Harmony -- 19. Yasuhiro Nakasone: The Nationalist Leader in Search of Autonomy and True Alliance -- 20. Noboru Takeshita: The Advocate for International Cooperation for World Peace -- 21. Sosuke Uno: Scandals and Summit Diplomacy -- 22. Toshiki Kaifu: The Gulf Crisis, UN Peace Cooperation Bill, and the Gulf War -- 23. Kiichi Miyazawa: UNPKO and the Dispatch of Self-Defense Forces -- 24. Morihiro Hosokawa: The First Non-LDP/Non-Communist Coalition Government.-25. Tsutomu Hata: The Shortest-Serving Premier under the Postwar Constitution -- 26. Tomiichi Murayama: Official Apology for Japan's Colonial Rule and Aggression -- 27. Ryutaro Hashimoto: The Japan-US Joint Declaration and Defense Guidelines -- 28. Keizo Obuchi: The Visionary and Initiator of Japan's Human Security Diplomacy -- 29. Yoshiro Mori: The Kyushu-Okinawa Summit to the Olympic Truce Resolution -- 30. Junichiro Koizumi: From Kantei Diplomacy to Anti-Nuclear Diplomacy -- 31. Shinzo Abe (I): 'Toward a Beautiful Country' and Constitutional Revision -- 32. Yasuo Fukuda: Struggles for International Contribution in the Twisted Diet -- 33. Taro Aso: Value-Oriented Diplomacy and the Arc of Freedom and Prosperity -- 34. Yukio Hatoyama: First DPJ Premier and the Vision for the East Asian Community -- 35. Naoto Kan: The Great East Japan Earthquake and the Nuclear Disaster -- 36. Yoshihiko Noda: Decision on Atomic Energy and SDF Dispatch to South Sudan -- 37. Shinzo Abe (II): Abenomics and Proactive Contribution to Peace -- 38. Yoshihide Suga: Toward a Carbon-Neutral Society during the Pandemic -- 39. Conclusion: Japanese Prime Ministers in the Changing International System.

1. Introduction: The Paradox of Japan's Nuclear Identity -- 2. Japan as a 'Nuclear-Bombed State': The Genocidal Nature of Nuclear Violence -- 3. Japan as a 'Nuclear Disarmament State': Its Global Initiative for Nuclear Abolition -- 4. Japan as a 'Nuclear-Threatened State': Facing the Nuclear Threat of North Korea -- 5. Japan as a 'Nuclear Umbrella State': Embedded in the US Nuclear Strategy -- 6. Japan and the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) -- 7. The Future of Japan's Nuclear Disarmament Diplomacy.

This book examines Japan's changing pacifism and its implications for Japan's security identity from 1945 to the present. To examine the shift in Japanese pacifism, this research employs the concept of 'negative pacifism' (Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution) and 'positive pacifism' (the Preamble of the Constitution) as an analytical framework. To analyse multiple factors which facilitated the shift in Japan's pacifism, this study applies 'analytical eclecticism' and integrates the analytical framework (negative-positive pacifism) with orthodox international relations theo

ZUSAMMENFASSUNGDie japanische Verfassung hat seit ihrem Inkrafttreten durchgängig im Fokus politischer Diskussionen gestanden, wurde jedoch nie geändert. Dieser Beitrag nähert sich der Debatte um eine solche Änderung vor dem Hintergrund der Theorie internationaler Beziehungen aus einer eklektischen Perspektive. Zunächst wird aufgezeigt, dass die Argumente der Protektionisten und der Revisionisten der Verfassung dazu tendieren, in eine Dichotomie zu verfallen. Um die bestehende Erkenntnislücke zu schließen, nimmt dieser Beitrag eine eklektische theoretische Perspektive basierend auf einem "analytischem Eklektizismus" ein, wie er von Peter Katzenstein im Jahre 2008 angeregt wurde. Die eklektische Methode, welche konventionelle Theorien (Klassischer Liberalismus, Neo-Liberalismus, Realismus und Neo-Realismus) und einen alternativen Ansatz (Konstruktivismus) internationaler Politik vereint, hilft dabei, komplizierte theoretische Faktoren und mögliche Zukunftsszenarien zu erhellen und zu visualisieren. Indem er sorgsam versucht, sich in der Debatte nicht auf eine Seite zu schlagen, bietet dieser Beitrag eine akademisch unparteiische und systematische Analyse der Aspekte der Überarbeitung der japanischen Verfassung. (Übersetzung durch die Redaktion) ; SUMMARYThe 1947 Japanese Constitution has always been a focus of political debate ever since its enforcement, but it has never been revised. The center of the constitutional debate has been Article 9, the so-called "peace clause," which stipulates renunciation of war and non-possession of armed forces. In response to changes in the security environment during the Cold War, Japan decided to possess constabulary forces that were upgraded to the Self-Defense Forces. In the post-Cold-War world, Japan began participating in international peace operations authorized by the United Nations. The post-9/11 international environment forced Japan to enhance its military capability, and the Japan Defense Agency was upgraded to the Ministry of Defense in 2007. Moreover, the National Referendum Law, designed to facilitate the constitutional revision process, came into force on 18 May 2010. Furthermore, Prime Minister Shinzō Abe, a constitutional revisionist, came back to power again on 26 December 2012. This paper examines the Japanese constitutional revision debate from the perspectives of international relations (IR) theory. First of all, it points out that the arguments of both constitutional protectors and revisionists tend to lapse into a dichotomy. Most Japanese constitutional scholars support the interpretation that the Japanese Constitution prohibits any use of force, including self-defense. On the contrary, Japanese political elites prefer to revise Article 9 so that Japan can possess proper military forces. The dichotomy in the arguments regarding the Japanese constitutional revision issue is obvious, and academic analysis needs to provide comprehensive perspectives on the debate. In order to overcome the dichotomy, this paper provides eclectic theoretical perspectives on the basis of "analytical eclecticism" suggested by Peter Katzenstein in 2008. The eclectic research method, which integrates orthodox theories (classical liberalism, neo-liberalism, classical realism, and neo-realism) and an alternative approach (constructivism) to international politics, assists in elucidating and visualizing complicated theoretical factors and possible future scenarios. First, Japan as a pacifist state model is examined from the perspective of classical liberalism to consider whether Japan will become a non-violent state through constitutional revision. Second, a neo-liberal perspective supports constitutional revision in that Japan would be able to make a full commitment to UN-authorized peace and military operations. To examine this scenario, the paper compares the legal similarities and differences between the Japanese Constitution and the Charter of the United Nations. Third, from the viewpoint of classical realism, it is argued that Japan has been moving toward a normal state. Still, constitutional revision would be required if Japan wished to become a completely normal state that can use force without constitutional constraints. Fourth, in light of a neo-realist point of view, whether Japan could become an equal US ally or seek autonomy without any military alliance is examined. By carefully avoiding taking sides in the debate, this study, based on analytical eclecticism, attempts to contribute to providing theoretically comprehensive perspectives, ideologically impartial analysis, and systematically visualized current situations as well as possible future scenarios of constitutional revision in Japan.

Japan's commitments to the UN-authorized peace operations in East Timor were the largest contribution the country has made in the history of its international peace operations. Notably, Japan's participation in the peacebuilding operations in East Timor was based on "human security" as one of the pillars of its diplomatic policy. Moreover, Japan's participation in the peace operations in East Timor was a touchstone issue for its human security policy. Yet, one simple but important question arises. How consistent were Japan's commitments to the peace operations? In an attempt to answer to this question, this paper systematically examines Japan's contributions to the international peace operations for East Timor. In order to investigate long-term and complicated activities in the peace operations, this paper employs timeline "sequence analysis" as a research method which combines and simplifies analytical models suggested in earlier scholarship. Through the application of sequence analysis, this paper investigates four stages of Japan's contributions to the peace operations in East Timor: 1) preventive deployment (UNAMET), 2) peace-enforcement (INTERFET), 3) peacekeeping (UNTAET), and 4) peacebuilding (e.g. UNMISET). The findings of this research reveal to what extent Japan's commitments to the peace operations were consistent and for human security of East Timor.

Japan's policy toward the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) Agreement has been controversial at the political, academic, and public levels. The domestic debate on the TPP literally split public opinion in Japan, and academic analyses are apt to be argumentatively divided into pros and cons. Likewise, earlier studies regarding the TPP in the field of international relations offered particular theoretical perspectives, yet tended not to conduct eclectic theoretical examination. In order to overcome the research gap, this paper attempts to provide both narrative and theoretical explanations by applying international relations (IR) theory in combination with "analytical eclecticism" as a research method in the field of global and international studies. As an application of IR theory and analytical eclecticism, this paper seeks to offer multiple theoretical perspectives and analysis on why Japan has supported and facilitated the TPP even after the withdrawal of the United States during the Trump administration.