Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 Historicizing the Globalization of Deregulation in Nigeria -- 1.3 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 2: Globalization and Democratization Nexus -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Globalization -- 2.3 Democracy: An Overview -- 2.4 Convergence of Globalization and Democracy -- 2.4.1 Globalization Stimulates Democracy -- 2.4.2 Globalization Impedes Democracy -- 2.4.3 Globalization Does Not Necessarily Constitute an Impediment to Democracy -- 2.5 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3: Deregulation Policy -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Deregulation Policy -- 3.3 Critique of Deregulation Policy -- 3.4 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4: The Quest for Development: Theoretical Discourse -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Modernization Theory -- 4.3 Dependency Theory -- 4.4 Dependent Development Theory -- 4.5 New Public Management Theory -- 4.6 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 5: The Structure and Nature of the Nigerian State -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Nigerian State and the Capacity Syndrome -- 5.3 Nigeria as a Corporate Entity -- 5.4 The System and Structure of Government -- 5.5 Fiscal Federalism -- 5.6 The Nigerian Civil Service -- 5.7 Political Leadership -- 5.8 The Nigerian Economy -- 5.9 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 6: State Actors in the Downstream Oil Sector -- 6.1 Introduction -- 6.2 The Presidency and the Ministry of Petroleum -- 6.3 Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation -- 6.4 The Directorate of Petroleum Resources -- 6.5 Petroleum Products Pricing and Regulatory Agency -- 6.6 Pipelines Product Marketing Company -- 6.7 Subsidy Reinvestment Programme -- 6.8 Petroleum Equalization Fund -- 6.9 The National Assembly -- 6.10 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 7: Non-state Actors and Oil Sector Reform: Interests and Roles -- 7.1 Introduction

The endemic nature of corruption remains at the centre of discourses on economic development and good governance in Nigeria. While rich in oil resources, Nigeria has failed to transform its oil wealth into good governance due to poor oil management and unsuccessful oil reform, engendering contradictions that have worsened the economic status of the Nigerian citizenry. This article assesses the manifestation of corruption in the Nigerian downstream oil sector and explores stakeholders' roles in oil corruption. The study reveals that oil reform and successive price increases are instruments for the proliferation of oil corruption. Therefore, corruption remains the most decisive impediment to effective reform and good governance in Nigeria.

Nigeria remains Africa's largest energy producer and at the same time possesses one of the highest gas flaring rates in the continent. Gas flaring in the Niger Delta region, estimated at 75% of the entire gas produced in Nigeria, highlights the environmental abuse posed by resource extraction, and exposes the failure of successive governments to eliminate the threat it portends to human survival in the oil region. The federal government formally declared gas flaring illegal since 1984, but multinational oil companies continue to treat compliance as a matter of convenience and not of necessity. Despite persistent protests against environmental degradation by the oil-producing communities, the refusal of the oil companies to end gas flaring and complicity of the government remained sources of concern. In the light of these, the study examines the crux of the gas flaring imbroglio, assesses the cost–benefits of gas flaring, and explores how gas emissions to the atmosphere have threatened human existence and ecological sustainability in the Niger Delta oil region. The study reiterates the urgency to enforce a zero-gas-flaring policy in Nigerian oil communities.

Chapter 1. IGAD Regional Agenda: An Introduction -- Chapter 2. Pan-Africanism and Regional Integration -- Chapter 3. IGAD and Regional Integration: Theories -- Chapter 4. Evolution and Transformation of IGAD -- Chapter 5. Historicising the Logic of Regional Integration in the IGAD Region -- Chapter 6. IGAD and Regional Conflicts -- Chapter 7. IGAD's Role in Economic Integration -- Chapter 8. Regional Security and the Role of IGAD in Somalia -- Chapter 9. Toward Peace and Security of Somalia and the Horn of Africa.

This book is an examination of post-colonial land reforms across various African states. One of the decisive contradictions of colonialism in Africa was the distortion of use, access to and ownership of land. Land related issues and the need for land reform have consistently occupied a unique position in public discourse in Africa. The post-colonial African states have had to embark on concerted efforts at redressing historical grounded land policies and addressing the growing needs of land by the poor. However, agitations for land continue, while evidence of policy gaps abound. In many cases, policy change in terms of land use, distribution and ownership has reinforced inequalities and affected power and social relations in respective post-colonial African countries. Land has assumed major causes of structural violence and impediments to human and rural development in Africa; hence the need for holistic assessment of land reforms in post-colonial African states. The central objective of the text is to identify post-independence and current trends in land reform and to address the grievances in relation to land use, ownership and distribution. The book suggests practicable policy options towards addressing the land hunger and conflict, which could derail the 'moderate' socio-economic achievements and political stability recorded by post-colonial African nation-states. The book draws its strength and uniqueness from its adoption of country-specific case studies, which places the book in context, and utilizes field studies methodology which generate new knowledge on the continental land question. Taking a holistic approach to understanding Africa's land question, this book will be attractive to academicians and students interested in policy and development, African politics, post-colonial development and policy, and conflict studies as well as policy-makers working in relevant areas.

The immediate post-colonial Africa was hitherto noted for incessant military incursions into politics, but the waves of democratisation that swept through Africa from the late 1970s to the 1990s led to the acceptance of liberal democracy as the most desirable political system. Over the past decade, stakeholders in Africa's democratisation have had to ask whether democracy is being consolidated on the continent. Despite the promise of democracy, most African countries have failed to attain political development beyond what has become the 'ritualistic' conduct of elections and political transitions. The inability to institutionalise democracy has become more evident with several military coup d'états in the past 2 years on the continent. Through unstructured interviews, the article historicises military coups, examines their root and immediate causes and explores whether military coups constitute a democratic reversal in Africa. Indeed, consolidating democracy and restoring civilian governments to power have become cumbersome due to the complicit roles of external actors and foreign powers.

While South Africa–China relations were only formalized in 1998, relations between these states date back to the 1800s. South Africa's quest for sustainable development through partnerships with global powers motivated its close ties with China. The 2015 Cape Town Declaration committed the two countries to improve health facilities and disease control. The coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic presents an opportunity to rethink this partnership. Drawing on desktop research, this article engages the reality of COVID-19 and explores South Africa–China relations in the context of the pandemic. The emergence of the virus in China, its rapid spread, and the high fatality rate have had devastating repercussions across the world. This article argues that Beijing's response to COVID-19 raises more questions than it answers. The outbreak of the virus in China, its response, and emerging cases of racism and xenophobia against Africans in China also raise concerns about the future of South Africa–China relations.

Despite successive attempts to effectively manage Nigeria's downstream oil sector by strengthening the country's institutional capacity, the Nigerian public institutions remain ineffective, inefficient, wasteful, incapacitated, inept, unprofessional and uninspired to drive the reform in the downstream oil sector. Public institutions have failed to successively oversee management of the downstream oil sector. This paper draws on the new public management theory and unstructured interviews to assess the role of public institutions in the distribution and marketing segments of the oil sector. It concludes that poor public sector performance is responsible for the crisis in the oil industry that led to subsidy cuts and efforts to deregulate the downstream oil sector.

Many postcolonial African states have experienced violent conflicts, prompting the quest for viable approaches to conflict resolution and peace-building. Certain groups' desire to control power and resources at the expense of others lies at the heart of the racism, civil wars, armed insurrections, terrorism, ethnic conflict, genocide, xenophobia, and intracommunity and domestic conflict prevalent in Africa, particularly in countries that experienced prolonged foreign domination. The quest for peace and security led to the resurgence of Ubuntu, an African humanist ideology, as an indigenous approach to conflict resolution and peace-building. This article explores the place of Ubuntu in the continent's peace and security projects. Despite the utility of Ubuntu's principles in a few postconflict societies, the article highlights the difficulties involved in its adoption by state institutions, mainly due to the complex interactions exemplified by the modern state. However, adherence to the principles of Ubuntu by state and nonstate actors would drastically reduce threats to peace and security in Africa.