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The impact of the novel covid-19, otherwise known as the corona-virus on the entire spectrum of Nigeria's national life, as elsewhere, remains yet indelibly unquantifiable at present. No thanks to the Elite culpability in the management of the corona-virus epidemic that has now rendered the entire Nigeria's national life halted and, on the brinks of spontaneous discontinuity. Conceptualized in this study to mean negligence of duty, this study unpacks howthe Nigerian political Elites and leadership's inefficiency has contributed inversely to the eventual outbreak, sporadic rise and the negative consequences of Covid-19 on the entire populations' Nigeria's economic and sustainable development goals.Drawing from David Hume's theory of causation, this study discovers that leadership and Nigerian political elites' failure in the management of the Covid-19 pandemic, before and during its eventual outbreak and manifestation in Nigeria triggered the incident Covid-19 case in Nigeria, and its manifold effects on Nigeria's prospects for the actualization of her economic and sustainable development pursuits.

While across known histories of societies the human societies had always developed within the confines of their limits of social justice, the security or otherwise of societies had always been directly proportional to their level of social justice. Invariably, this implies the higher the acceptance and recognition of the need for social justice by a society, the higher the society's chances for national security. Social justice has thus proven to be a critical sine qua non for an egalitarian and a just society where equity, selflessness and equitable distribution of resources reign. However, the lack and deliberate emasculation of social justice within the society by the state and/or its machineries has over time, consequentially, informed a pathological situation; a situation where, due to the absence or deliberate neglect of the need for social justice in the accumulation of wealth, distribution of wealth and resources as well as social, economic and political relationships amongst the people, the rich are becoming richer whilst the less privileged are becoming more disadvantaged. The social implication and effect of this social pathology is the impulse by the rich or the privileged to see and use corruption to accumulate more wealth, resources and power in unjust social, economic and political exchanges in their bid to maintain the unjust socio-economic and political systems, whilst the poor and the less privileged tend to see and use corruption as a leveller and means to accumulating their own share of the societal wealth, resources and power. The corrupt environment created by social injustice is therefore antithetical to any country's quest for national security. This is chiefly because national security objectives and corruption are two parallel lines that cannot and have never met. This article therefore argues that social justice backed by egalitarian and equitable distribution of wealth, resources and social services by the government would bring about a corrupt-free society where insecurity would be minimised and reduced to the barest minimum.

Keywords: Social injustice, corruption, insecurity, Nigeria's National Security, Nigeria.

Today, the world faces countless difficulties, but none of them is more threatening than the unfiltered and unguarded spread of illicit weapons across the international system. While among threats to international security one can mention poverty, terror, xenophobia, food insecurity, war, and climate change, a far more lethal challenge, which has the destructive capacity to erase the history of all the peoples from the surface of the planet, is currently unfolding. With tens of thousands of people being killed or wounded daily, it has become imperative to interrogate the politics behind the endless abuse, misuse, and illicit proliferation of lethal weapons in the global system and its implications for global security given the scant academic at-tention it has received in recent time. Relying on archival and other non-quantitative data, this study examines the implications of the continued illicit proliferation of weapons for international peace and security. The re-sults reveal that the failures of state actors to address the problem of illicit weapons proliferation have grave implications not only for global peace and security but also for the future. State actors must assume a critical role in minimizing the illicit proliferation of weapons if the future of the global system is to be secure.

Several scholarly and scientific attentions have indeed been geared towards the studies on xenophobia in South Africa, but little and very limited interrogation have been devoted to its precipitating politics. Extant works and studies on xenophobia in South Africa, in addition to their differing perspectives, have focused more on how to address the xenophobic reality rather than trying to understand why the politics of xenophobia has persisted unabatedly despite several remedial interventions from government and key stakeholders. This study bridges the gap by attempting to, very importantly, understand and advance reasons as to why the politics has continued against all efforts geared towards addressing it. While Brown Harry's scapegoating thesis, Pillay's relative deprivation of South African blacks and Crush's cultural explanation amongst many others have attempted to offer empirical views on the manifestation of xenophobia in South Africa, that which is central to the understanding of the xenophobic phenomenon was innocently overlooked. The study therefore sees "politics" has been central to any attempt to understanding the manifestation of xenophobia in South Africa. The overwhelming scientific discourses and perspectives offered by this study on the politics of xenophobia would therefore help in bridging the gap in the extant literature and the body of knowledge.

The relationship that exists between politics and religion cannot be over-emphasized in Nigeria polity since the evolution of a sustainable democracy which has heightened the relevance of religion in our society. Religion has been identified as one of the factors that have divided the people of Nigeria who are divided already by many phenomena that are of nature. The diversities engineered by cultures, customs, traditions and values are not as potent as religion in dividing the people, ensuing conflict, creating a paradise for favoritism, generating riot and insurgence. Religious leaders have become force to reckon with in the country, many of them become politicians out of the blues because of their influence on the mindset of their members to decide as regard electioneering activities. However, politics needs to be guided by religion ideally, evidently most policies fabricated, go in line with dogmas of either Christianity or Islam before other indexes may follow. People are better divided by religion. This paper focuses on examining the influence of religion on politics in Nigeria's fourth republic using the Boko-haram insurgence as the major yardstick to establishing the impacts of religion on the divisive Nigeria.

Liberal political economists typically ascribe the reasons, natures, and dynamics of development and security in the global South, including Africa, Asia, and Latin America, to internal deficiencies. As a result, among other things, weak institutions, policy deficits, ethnicity, corruption, bad leadership, and all other signs of an entity in desperate need of salvation have been recognized as dangers to the corporate existence and survival of African and other developing countries. While the decolonization of African and other developing countries has provided impacted peoples a sense of political belonging, the historical processes required to promote these nations' economic potential have been weakened. As a result, the capacity of postcolonial states to chart their development paths and reinvent themselves has been malignly berated, denied, and frustrated by neo-colonialist aspirations, strategies, and actions, those who had grudgingly and dishonestly foisted cancerous independence on the entire continent of Africa and other Third World regions. Relying, as it should, given the qualitative nature of the study, the study assesses the implications of the neo-colonial legacies for Nigeria's development aspiration.

Several scholarly and scientific attentions have indeed been geared towards the studies on xenophobia in South Africa, but little and very limited interrogation have been devoted to its precipitating politics. Extant works and studies on xenophobia in South Africa, in addition to their differing perspectives, have focused more on how to address the xenophobic reality rather than trying to understand why the politics of xenophobia has persisted unabatedly despite several remedial interventions from government and key stakeholders. This study bridges the gap by attempting to, very importantly, understand and advance reasons as to why the politics has continued against all efforts geared towards addressing it. While Brown Harry's scapegoating thesis, Pillay's relative deprivation of South African blacks and Crush's cultural explanation amongst many others have attempted to offer empirical views on the manifestation of xenophobia in South Africa, that which is central to the understanding of the xenophobic phenomenon was innocently overlooked. The study therefore sees "politics" has been central to any attempt to understanding the manifestation of xenophobia in South Africa. The overwhelming scientific discourses and perspectives offered by this study on the politics of xenophobia would therefore help in bridging the gap in the extant literature and the body of knowledge.

This study probes into the globalist and Marxian perspectives on human insecurity in Sub-Saharan Africa,with a particular focus on Nigeria and South Africa. By employing a case-study methodology and data from relevant secondary and archival sources, the study seeks to understand the effects of globalization, globalist ideologies, and Marxist ideologies on human insecurity in the region. While previous studies have primarily attributed human insecurity in Africa to internal factors, such as corruption, self-destructive public policies, poverty, environmental degradation, militancy, and insurgency, the globalist and Marxist contexts of the insecurity have received limited scholarly attention. While findings partly confirm that most human insecurities in the region are largely influenced by internal factors, the global environment, encompassing job insecurity, global warming, deadly viruses and pandemics, transnational crimes, drugs, and interstate conflict, also plays a significant role. The study further uncovers the exploitative, oppressive, and conflict-ridden interactions between the bourgeoisie and proletariats in Sub-Saharan Africa, thereby contributing to unfairness, deprivation, and conflicts that usually morph into human insecurity. To mitigate human insecurity in Sub-Saharan Africa, the study proposes a collaborative global approach and a more equitable distribution of resources within the state. Understanding the globalist and Marxian foundations of human insecurity can provide valuable insights for policymakers and stakeholders in devising comprehensive strategies to address this pressing issue in the region.

The study examined local government autonomy and local government service delivery in Nigeria. the study discovered that, Nigerian local government needs to be autonomous in the discharge of its statutory responsibility, if ongoing agitation for local government autonomy from different quarters in Nigeria is given an approval, this will strengthen local government's service delivery. The study discovered that some states in Nigeria oppose local government autonomy due to political and economic considerations. The study further revealed that Irepodun local government (the micro-case study) in Nigeria is not totally autonomous. Although, local governance is transparent and accountable in Irepodun Local Government, especially in the identification, formulation and execution of its projects, Irepodun local government authority has a huge financial challenge in carrying out service delivery. The study therefore recommends that; the state joint local government account should be abolished from the Nigerian constitution to enable allocation of funds directly to the local governments from Federation account. they should also put a stop to the persistence deduction from the monthly allocation of local governments. Again, states should henceforth be made to remit regularly the constitutional 10% of their internally generated revenue to the local government authorities. Irepodun local government and other local government authorities in Nigeria emplace more efforts on sustainable wealth creation rather than depending solely on the grants from the federal and state governments.

The study examined local government autonomy and local government service delivery in Nigeria. the study discovered that, Nigerian local government needs to be autonomous in the discharge of its statutory responsibility, if ongoing agitation for local government autonomy from different quarters in Nigeria is given an approval, this will strengthen local government's service delivery. The study discovered that some states in Nigeria oppose local government autonomy due to political and economic considerations. The study further revealed that Irepodun local government (the micro-case study) in Nigeria is not totally autonomous. Although, local governance is transparent and accountable in Irepodun Local Government, especially in the identification, formulation and execution of its projects, Irepodun local government authority has a huge financial challenge in carrying out service delivery. The study therefore recommends that; the state joint local government account should be abolished from the Nigerian constitution to enable allocation of funds directly to the local governments from Federation account. they should also put a stop to the persistence deduction from the monthly allocation of local governments. Again, states should henceforth be made to remit regularly the constitutional 10% of their internally generated revenue to the local government authorities. Irepodun local government and other local government authorities in Nigeria emplace more efforts on sustainable wealth creation rather than depending solely on the grants from the federal and state governments. ; W artykule przeanalizowano autonomię samorządu lokalnego i świadczeń usług samorządowych w Nigerii. Badanie wykazało, że nigeryjski samorząd lokalny musi być niezależny w wykonywaniu swoich ustawowych obowiązków. Czynnikiem wzmacniającym świadczenie usług przez samorząd lokalny może być skuteczna agitacja różnych środowisk na rzecz niezależności samorządu Nigerii. Analiza wykazała, że niektóre stany w Nigerii sprzeciwiają się autonomii samorządów lokalnych ze względów politycznych i ekonomicznych. Wykazano ponadto, że samorząd lokalny Irepodun (studium przypadku mikro) w Nigerii nie jest całkowicie autonomiczny. Chociaż samorząd lokalny w Irepodun jest przejrzysty i odpowiedzialny, zwłaszcza w zakresie identyfikacji, formułowania i realizacji swoich projektów. Musi on sprostać ogromnemu wyzwaniu finansowemu w realizacji świadczenia usług. W związku z tym badanie rekomenduje, usunięcie z konstytucji Nigerii zapisu dotyczącego wspólnego konta samorządowego, aby umożliwić alokację środków bezpośrednio do samorządów z konta Federacji. Należy zmusić państwo do regularnego przekazywania władzom samorządowym konstytucyjnych 10% ich wewnętrznie wytworzonych dochodów. Samorząd lokalny Irepodun i inne władze samorządowe w Nigerii powinny podjąć więcej wysiłków na rzecz trwałego tworzenia dobrobytu, zamiast polegać wyłącznie na dotacjach od rządu federalnego i władz stanowych.

The study examined local government autonomy and local government service delivery in Nigeria. the study discovered that, Nigerian local government needs to be autonomous in the discharge of its statutory responsibility, if ongoing agitation for local government autonomy from different quarters in Nigeria is given an approval, this will strengthen local government's service delivery. The study discovered that some states in Nigeria oppose local government autonomy due to political and economic considerations. The study further revealed that Irepodun local government (the micro-case study) in Nigeria is not totally autonomous. Although, local governance is transparent and accountable in Irepodun Local Government, especially in the identification, formulation and execution of its projects, Irepodun local government authority has a huge financial challenge in carrying out service delivery. The study therefore recommends that; the state joint local government account should be abolished from the Nigerian constitution to enable allocation of funds directly to the local governments from Federation account. they should also put a stop to the persistence deduction from the monthly allocation of local governments. Again, states should henceforth be made to remit regularly the constitutional 10% of their internally generated revenue to the local government authorities. Irepodun local government and other local government authorities in Nigeria emplace more efforts on sustainable wealth creation rather than depending solely on the grants from the federal and state governments. ; W artykule przeanalizowano autonomię samorządu lokalnego i świadczeń usług samorządowych w Nigerii. Badanie wykazało, że nigeryjski samorząd lokalny musi być niezależny w wykonywaniu swoich ustawowych obowiązków. Czynnikiem wzmacniającym świadczenie usług przez samorząd lokalny może być skuteczna agitacja różnych środowisk na rzecz niezależności samorządu Nigerii. Analiza wykazała, że niektóre stany w Nigerii sprzeciwiają się autonomii samorządów lokalnych ze względów politycznych i ekonomicznych. Wykazano ponadto, że samorząd lokalny Irepodun (studium przypadku mikro) w Nigerii nie jest całkowicie autonomiczny. Chociaż samorząd lokalny w Irepodun jest przejrzysty i odpowiedzialny, zwłaszcza w zakresie identyfikacji, formułowania i realizacji swoich projektów. Musi on sprostać ogromnemu wyzwaniu finansowemu w realizacji świadczenia usług. W związku z tym badanie rekomenduje, usunięcie z konstytucji Nigerii zapisu dotyczącego wspólnego konta samorządowego, aby umożliwić alokację środków bezpośrednio do samorządów z konta Federacji. Należy zmusić państwo do regularnego przekazywania władzom samorządowym konstytucyjnych 10% ich wewnętrznie wytworzonych dochodów. Samorząd lokalny Irepodun i inne władze samorządowe w Nigerii powinny podjąć więcej wysiłków na rzecz trwałego tworzenia dobrobytu, zamiast polegać wyłącznie na dotacjach od rządu federalnego i władz stanowych.

The current difficulties and insurgency in Islamic states in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) led this study to examine why this region has seen more volatility than any other region today. Furthermore, the unusual nature of the insurgency and turmoil in this region, particularlywhere Muslims oppose Muslims and Muslim regimes, makes one ask what is the cause. As a result,this study has attempted to analyze today's Muslim divisions through the lens of schisms in doctrinesand beliefs, which always lead to sectarian divisions. This paper takes a historical journey into the pastto explore the origins of the schisms and their consequences. The emergence of many ulama (or Ayatollahs and Sheikhs) shortly after the Prophet's death and over the centuries of Islamic religion, each with own claim to piety, teachings, and illuminations, has led to the emergence of many sects, each claiming to be more pious than the others and adhering to the precepts, teachings, and examples laid down in the Qur'an and set by Muhammad. The fundamental differences in ideas and interpretations are what have fueled and generated today's sectarian and religious difficulties and instability in MENA. As a result, this instability may continue for many years to come, especially when one group sees theothers not only as apostates, but also as an infidels who are divinely intended to be exterminated.

The impact of the novel Covid-19, otherwise known as the coronavirus on the entire spectrum of Nigeria's national life, as elsewhere, remains yet indelibly unquantifiable at present. Thanks to the Elite culpability in the management of the corona-virus epidemic that has now rendered the entire Nigeria's national life halted and, on the brinks of spontaneous discontinuity. Conceptualized in this study to mean negligence of duty, this study unpacks how the Nigerian political Elites and leadership's inefficiency has contributed inversely to the eventual outbreak, sporadic rise and the negative consequences of Covid-19 on the entire populations' Nigeria's economic and sustainable development goals. Drawing from David Hume's theory of causation, this study discovers that leadership and Nigerian political elites' failure in the management of the Covid-19 pandemic, before and during its eventual outbreak and manifestation in Nigeria triggered the incident Covid-19 case in Nigeria, and its manifold effects on Nigeria's prospects for the actualization of her economic and sustainable development pursuits.

Good health is essential to achieve sustainable development in any economy. Nigeria is no exception. No wonder it is the third goal in the sustainable development goals of the United Nations. Achieving good health also needs to be well funded with institutional quality, hence this study. This paper examined the effect of health financing and governance quality on health outcomes in Nigeria from 1980 to 2018 using secondary data sourced from World Development Indicators (WDI). A co-integration test and a vector error correction model (VECM) were employed to analyse the data. Short- and long-term results of an analysis based on life expectancy and infant mortality as a measure of health outcomes and dependent variables demonstrate that institutions empowered with good governance could produce positive health outcomes in the country.