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Introduction: consolidation of democracy in Turkey -- Turkey's unfinished transition to democracy -- The impact of the state on democratic consolidation in Turkey -- Democratic consolidation and institutional challenges for political parties and party system -- Civil society and democratic consolidation in Turkey -- The impact of civil-military relations on democratic consolidation in Turkey -- Socio-economic development and democratic consolidation in Turkey -- The European Union and democratic consolidation in Turkey: the impacts and limits -- The rise of political Islam and democratic consolidation in Turkey -- Accommodating political Islam in Turkish democracy -- The Kurdish nationalist challenge to democratic consolidation in Turkey -- Conclusion: Turkey's difficult path to democratization

Les relations entre civils et militaires en Turquie ont traversé récemment une période de transformation radicale. Le rôle dominant de l'armée turque dans la politique depuis 1960, par ses interventions directes et indirectes, ainsi qu'au travers de mécanismes institutionnels et non-institutionnels, a considérablement diminué. À partir du début des réformes liées à l'adhésion européenne visant à démocratiser les relations civiles-militaires, puis d'une série d'enquêtes baptisées Ergenekon et Balyoz, dans lesquelles des officiers militaires ont été accusés de planifier des interventions visant à renverser le gouvernement actuel, l'armée a perdu à la fois ses prérogatives en politique et sa crédibilité aux yeux de l'opinion publique. Bien que les relations entre civils et militaires semblent aller dans un sens plus démocratique, en soumettant fortement l'armée au contrôle civil, il semble cependant que les civils ne traitent pas les forces armées de façon juste dans les enquêtes en cours. Par conséquent, en dépit de tous ces changements positifs, il n'est pas clair que la Turquie s'oriente vraiment vers une gouvernance plus démocratique des relations entre civils et militaires.

Turkey's security-oriented foreign
policy during the 1990s, which changed dramatically by the 2000s towards a more
liberal mode and which can also be considered as the "Europeanization of
Turkish foreign policy", returned to its re-securitized phase in the 2010s by
resorting to hard power. This article aims at explaining this reversal by
analysing changes in the intensity of Turkey's internal and external threats.
In this analysis, it will mainly concentrate on the ongoing civil war in Syria,
as an enabling factor for the revival of PKK terror in Turkey and terrorist
attacks from ISIS. Consequently, the unstable political and security environment
surrounding the South-eastern borderline of Turkey has led to the use of hard power
in national foreign policy. In contrast with the previous decade, the use of military
power has become inevitable in the pursuit of national security interests
against intra-country and cross-border terror threats.

Following many years of political competition in Serbia between reformists and nationalists, critical presidential and parliamentary elections were held in 2008 during the unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo by Albanians in the shadow of the European Union (EU) agenda. 2008 elections reshaped party politics in favour of pro-Europeanism. This article analyses the change in party positions towards EU membership with the help of "process analysis" by referring to the independent variables of compliance, identification, and internalization, modelled by Herbert Kelman. The study focuses on following political parties that have shaped Serbian politics for a long time: The Democratic Party of Serbia (Demokratska Stranka Srbije - DSS), the Democratic Party (Demokratska Stranka - DS), the Serbian Progressive Party (Srpska Napredna Stranka-SNS), and the Socialist Party of Serbia (Socijalistička Partija Srbije - SPS). Contrary to arguments, which suggest that party positions have changed due to EU conditionality with the help of internalisation variable; this article argues that for SNS and SPS "compliance", for DSS and DS "identification" variable offers a more comprehensive causal explanation.

The Turkish military, which dominated Turkish domestic politics in a continuation of its coups throughout the 1970s and 1980s, also dramatically increased its interference in foreign policy for a brief period in the mid-1990s during the Refahyol coalition government. This involvement in foreign policy was evidenced in Turkey's relations with various Middle Eastern countries including Israel, and with the EU, in addition to the extension of Operation Provide Comfort. This article investigates why Turkish military's role in foreign policy decision-making increased at this time by drawing on three approaches: Claude Welch's classification of "military control with partners", Michael Desch's framework on the relationship of civilian control to intensity of internal threats and Joe Hagan's fragmented regime analysis.

Following many years of political competition in Serbia between reformists and nationalists, critical presidential and parliamentary elections were held in 2008 during the unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo by Albanians in the shadow of the European Union (EU) agenda. 2008 elections reshaped party politics in favour of pro-Europeanism. This article analyses the change in party positions towards EU membership with the help of "process analysis" by referring to the independent variables of compliance, identification, and internalization, modelled by Herbert Kelman. The study focuses on following political parties that have shaped Serbian politics for a long time: The Democratic Party of Serbia (Demokratska Stranka Srbije - DSS), the Democratic Party (Demokratska Stranka - DS), the Serbian Progressive Party (Srpska Napredna Stranka-SNS), and the Socialist Party of Serbia (Socijalisticka Partija Srbije - SPS). Contrary to arguments, which suggest that party positions have changed due to EU conditionality with the help of internalisation variable; this article argues that for SNS and SPS "compliance", for DSS and DS "identification" variable offers a more comprehensive causal explanation.