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This paper addresses some key factors influencing the career development of highly qualified migrants during their stay abroad. It is based on 44 qualitative interviews with international students and highly qualified migrant workers from China and India, most of whom were temporarily residing in Germany. The findings show that different types of social capital might co-exist and perform multiple functions. Some migrants engage in entrepreneurial activities, availing themselves of links between their country of origin and Europe, which could help them to advance their professional goals. The study found that the political assessment of migrants also plays an important role. The paper concludes that the category of highly qualified migrants is heterogenous which comprises migrants who have different aspirations as well as divergent career trajectories.

Scholars of the Middle East and North Africa are only too familiar with the momentous changes set in motion by the events of World War I. Given the number of new states and political movements that emerged in the war's aftermath, it seems only fair to describe it as "the single most important political event in the history of the modern Middle East." Elizabeth F. Thompson recently likened the war's impact on the Middle East to that of the Civil War in the United States. To be sure, the passing of a century hardly proved sufficient for coming to terms with the legacy of either war. In fact, analyses and discussions of World War I in the Middle East have remained highly politicized, in school curricula, in academia, and in popular culture and the arena of public memory. History and historical interpretations are always contested, of course, and there is little reason to believe that accounts of World War I in the Middle East and North Africa will become less so anytime soon.

From the beginning the 1914 Ottoman jihad proclamation was portrayed by the Allies as the linchpin of a German scheme to revolutionize Muslim populations in the territories of Berlin's enemies: in British Egypt and India, in French North Africa, and in the Russian Caucasus and Central Asia. This article questions the cliché of the German jihad by situating the 1914 declaration in its deeper Ottoman historical context. Did the Ottomans need Berlin's blandishments to convince them of the advantages of issuing a jihad ( jihād) declaration in 1914?

AbstractIn this article we compare the perceived cultural integration challenges by young Spanish migrants in Germany with the support offered by one national government initiative and one local migrant organisation. Based on qualitative interviews, we identified four inequality‐related and interrelated challenges: personal relationships, housing, company culture and bureaucracy. Our findings show that MobiPro‐EU, as an example of a government initiative, emphasises labour market integration and thereby neglects the cultural dimension of integration. The German‐Spanish Association, which is a regional example for migrant self‐support, lacks the financial means, staff and geographic scope to provide large‐scale support. We conclude that both initiatives follow a different support strategy and demonstrate shortcomings in supporting migrants. As a consequence, particularly for migrants who cannot draw on social support, for instance provided by their personal networks, the absence of effective support measures can negatively affect cultural integration into society as well as career development.