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This article investigates the development of militarism in the Arab Gulf using the militarized representation of the Bedouin and their poetic tradition as a site for its analysis. The article traces the ways in which Bedouin 'martial masculinities' and Bedouin culture have been appropriated and transformed by British colonialism and postcolonial nationalisms to produce unusual patterns of militarism within the Gulf. It addresses a gap in international relations and security studies literature, in which militarism is examined through state-centric and methodologically nationalist framings that largely overlook transnational and colonial histories. The article argues that contemporary displays of militarism by Qatar and the United Arab Emirates should be read in relation to how colonialism engendered militarism across the Gulf region through the paradoxical representation of the Bedouin as a 'martial race' whose martial-ness was also seen as a security 'threat' for the colonial/postcolonial state. Militarized responses and rationalities were normalized within Gulf society through the 'Bedouin warrior' stereotype, which served as a timeless and fixed construct, connecting the Gulf's disjointed past to its present-day context. Significantly, the 'Bedouin warrior' stereotype helps foster the belief that stability and historical continuity underpin state-modernization processes in Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. The article's intervention seeks to disrupt this continuity by looking at how militarism and its martial constructs created ruptures in state trajectories, using the example of the 1996 coup attempt, citizen revocations, and the depoliticization of the poetic act as evidence for the claim that militarism engenders particular insecurities for Bedouin populations in the Arab Gulf.

AbstractWhile many GCC states have been embracing widespread modernization reforms across various sectors in the past few decades, sexual and reproductive health education, social awareness campaigns, and relevant penal codes criminalizing sexual crimes still remain dangerously outdated. This article reviews the state of sexual norms and practices amongst khalījī youth, and argues that Persian Gulf states and families' protectionist attitudes in restricting, regulating, and policing sexualities, has neither decreased the rate of sex crimes nor has it adequately defined the parameters of what is "acceptable" regarding sexual norms and behaviors. It argues that the domain of sexual norms needs to be renegotiated as a shared responsibility between the family unit and the state, considering that many youths' mental and physical well-being is often contingent on the provision of sufficient sexual information, counseling, and education in their respective societies.