Suchergebnisse

Abstract: This paper examines the political paradigm of Muhammadiyah in thinking and behaving because Muhammadiyah can survive to surpass political impediments for more than a century ago. Methodologically, it is qualitative research by utilising documentary study and in-depth interviews as the data-gathering technique. The finding demonstrates that "consciousness to liberate" is the political paradigm of Muhammadiyah. This paradigm has three interrelated dimensions: transcendental dimension, humanistic dimension, and modernity dimension. The former indicates the prophetic consciousness, the middle demonstrates the liberation theology, and the latter denotes the values Muhammadiyah's goal. Therefore, the Muhammadiyah consciousness to strives for prophetic missions not merely restricted to liberate humankind from colonisation, oppression, backwardness, and poverty but also to liberate mustadh'afin from unfair policies and liberal systems. Keywords: Muhammadiyah, consciousness, political paradigm, liberation, al-Mâ'ûn

This article examines the ideological position of Indonesia's political parties in addressing the 2019 presidential threshold under the open-list proportional representation system. The article aims to determine the political cleavage among Indonesian political parties, whether classified into the ideological spectrum or the organisational degree. From a methodological standpoint, it is qualitative research by employing in-depth interviews and online news collection as a data gathering technique. The study's finding depicts that the ideological cleavage is no longer relevant under the open-list proportional representation system because political parties eventually have pragmatical orientations rather than ideological onsiderations. It can be proven that the position of nationalist secular parties is not merely in the approval side but also in the denial and dilemma sides. Likewise, the position of nationalist Islamist parties can be found on two sides: denial and dilemma. This finding verifies that Indonesia's ideological contestation is waning and inactive when political parties cope with power issues. On the contrary, the ideology is revived when it deals with religious and tribal affairs.

This article examines the origin of the political consciousness of Muhammadiyah. Thus, the article aims to investigate the origin of the political consciousness of Muhammadiyah to be a reference for Muhammadiyah's elites, functionaries, cadres, and members in the way of thinking and behaving, mainly in the context of political affairs. Methodologically, this article is a qualitative research by applying two techniques in data-gathering: documentary and interview. The finding demonstrates that the origin of political consciousness of Muhammadiyah can be traced back into a fourfold thing: the influence of the Islamic reformist idea mainly coming from the middle east, the awareness of liberation from backwardness, the awareness of liberation from colonization, and the awareness of liberation from the Christian penetration.

As the largest predominantly Muslim country of the globe, Indonesia nearly achieves two decades of its democratisation wave since the downfall of the Au- thoritarian Rule in 1998. Political parties, one of the crucial democratic institutions, have a signifi- cant responsibility to maintain the democratic system as they are the sole official representatives to create leaders and policies in the government. This paper portrays the trajectory of political Islam in Indonesia particularly Islam-based parties slightly under two decades since Post- New Order regime. Islam-based parties have a potential to be a moderate-offi- cial force in the government. It could be proven by the threefold indicator. First is the ripeness of Islam-based parties in coping with both internal and external stimuli such as the leadership change and elite conflicts, the constitutional re- form and the electoral result. Second is the role of Muslim political forces in the parliament particularly in addressing the policy making of controversial bills. Third is the involvement of Islam-based parties in the administration cabinet. To sum up, by applying the analytical framework on the party goal, political Islam in Indonesia has three distinctive features: As "the vote-seekers" in the election, as "the issue-advocates" in the legislature and as "the office-seekers" in the execu- tive. These denote to a normalised path of political Islam in reaching out the embedded democracy.

This study examines the roles of political elites in the Muhammadiyah in facingthe dynamics Muslim politics in post New Order regime. There are three issuesdiscussed: the emergence of Islamic political parties, the desire to implementthe Jakarta charter as a state ideology, and the rise of terrorism. The result ofthe study demonstrated that there are four variants of the political attitudes ofthe elites in Muhammadiyah in post-New Order regime: 1) transformative-ideal-istic; 2) moderate-idealistic, 3) realistic-critical, and 4) accommodative-prag-matic. The variations are deeply influenced by two main factors: the sociologicalbackground and organizational factor.Penelitian ini menguji peran elit politik dalam Muhammadiyah dalam menghadapidinamika politik Muslim pada era rezim pasca Orde Baru. Ada tiga isu yangdibahas: munculnya partai-partai politik Islam, keinginan untuk melaksanakanPiagam Jakarta sebagai ideologi negara, dan munculnya terorisme. Hasil penelitianmenunjukkan bahwa ada empat varian sikap politik para elite di Muhammadiyahpada era rezim pasca-Orde Baru: 1) transformatif-idealis; 2) moderat-idealis, 3) realistis-kritis, dan 4) akomodatif-pragmatis. Variasi ini sangat dipengaruhioleh dua faktor utama, yaitu latar belakang sosiologis dan faktor organisasi.

Abstract: This article examines the campaign strategy of the Islamist party, namely PKS in the 2019 legislative election. It is fascinating to be investigated further because this party can ward a lot of predictions and surveys which stated that PKS could not exceed the parliamentary threshold of four percent. PKS has an outstanding performance and can reach 8.62 percent. Methodologically, this study is a qualitative research by applying the case study approach. For data-gathering, this study collects data and information through social media such as news channels and social networking sites. In the analysis process, this uses the mix marketing theory consisting of four Ps (4P), i.e., product, price, place, and promotion. On the product, PKS promotes four main programs: reinforcing the realization of the driving license for the long-life term, removing the motorcycle tax, protecting Muslim scholars, and removing the wage tax for eight billion IDR per month. Concerning the price, PKS spent roughly 150 Billion IDR. On the place or distribution, the PKS' legislative candidates did socialize to the grass-root with various activities. Meanwhile, regarding the promotion, PKS promotes itself through event publications and social media conducted by its cadres and devotees. The most significant strategy which affects to the increase of PKS' vote in 2019 is the promotion mainly the event publication with roadside flashmob activities. Indeed, the cadres and devotees' loyalty has a significant role as the vote-getters in mobilizing electorate. Keywords: Campaign Strategy,PKS, Legislative Election, Flashmob Abstrak: Artikel ini mengkaji tentang strategi kampanye partai Islam yaitu PKS pada pemilihan legislatif tahun 2019. Penelitian ini menarik dilakukan karena keberhasilan PKS dalam menepis asumsi berbagai lembaga survei yang memprediksi PKS tidak lolos ambang batas parlemen. PKS berhasil meningkatan suaranya hingga di 8,62 persen. Secara metodologis, artikel ini merupakan hasil penelitian kualitatif dengan penggalian ...

This article examines the political motives of the emergence of the controversial village policy, namely the Padang Muslim Village Regulation No. 05 of 2006 concerning the implementation of whip punishment in Padang Village, Gantarang District, Bulukumba Regency. The purpose of this study is to find out how the political motives of the head of the Padang Village in issuing this Islamic-based regulations. This study utilizes a qualitative method with the case study approach. In data-gathering, it employs two techniques: documentation and in-depth interview. To measure the political motives, this study adopts a threefold indicator: ideology, instrumental, and identity. The finding demonstrates that, in the ideology factor, the head of village has a dominant power in issuing this policy. He argues that this policy is based on Al-Qur'an values. Due to such belief, this policy was issued. Debatable reactions were coming from many parties. In the instrumental factor, Islamic orthodox heritage in this village has been existing and is still robust among its society. It causes society who inhabits inside accepting this regulation generally. In the identity factor, most people in this village support this people although the head of village has a dominant factor. Nonetheless, among three indicators, the ideological is the driving factor influencing the emergence of this regulation.

Artikel ini membahas soliditas Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) melalui konsolidasi kelembagaan untuk mempertahankan kestabilan perolehan suara pada Pemilihan Umum Legislatif 2014. Konsolidasi kelembagaan dilakukan setelah Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) menangkap presiden PKS, Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq, pada awal tahun 2013 terkait dengan kasus penyuapan kuota impor daging sapi. Ternyata, PKS memperoleh 6.79 persen suara pada Pemilu Legislatif 2014. Ini berarti sedikit turun sebesar 1.09 persen dibanding pemilu sebelumnya tahun 2009 yang mencapai 7.88 persen. Kajian ini menggunakan riset kualitatif dengan pendekatan teori kelembagaan partai. Pengumpulan data menggunakan berita media daring, data KPU dan rujukan lain yang relevan. Temuan kajian ini menunjukkan bahwa PKS masih dapat mempertahankan soliditas organisasinya meskipun banyak survei memprediksi kekalahannya. Hal ini dapat dibuktikan dengan kebertahanan dalam empat indikator utama: kepemimpinan prosedural, mekanisme resolusi konflik yang dikelola dengan baik, sistem kaderisasi dan komitmen kuat terhadap nilai dan ideologi yang dianut bersama. This article discusses the solidity of Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Prosperous Justice Party, PKS) which succeeded in defending the stable vote in the 2014 legislative election after Indonesia's Corruption Eradication Commission arrested the PKS president, Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq, in the early of 2013 due to the case of beef import bribery. In fact, PKS earned 6.79 percent in the 2014 election, which means it only decreased 1.09 percent from the previous 2009 election, which reached 7.88 percent. This article is qualitative research. The required data were collected online by consulting media news, the KPU's data, and other relevant references. The finding demonstrates that PKS was able to maintain its solidity and stable vote in the 2014 legislative election through organizational consolidation although surveys predicted its defeat. This organizational consolidation was conducted by the following measures: procedural leadership, a well-managed conflict resolution mechanism, systematic candidateship, and a strong commitment upon the party values (ideology).

Tulisan ini mengkaji motif politikdalam kasuskelahiran dan pembentukan Gerakan Arah Baru Indonesia (Garbi). Kemunculannya dinilai oleh tiga motif politik: motif insentif material, insentif solidaritas, dan insentif idealisme.Sementara pembentukan diukur oleh struktur kesempatan politik, mobilisasi, dan framing. Secara metodologis, ini adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan menerapkan dua teknik pengumpulan data, yakni wawancara mendalam dan dokumenter. Temuan penulis menunjukkan bahwa di antara tiga motif, insentif solidaritas dapat dibuktikan sebagai faktor penentu yang mempengaruhi munculnya Garbi. Sementara itu, framing adalah struktur yang mendominasi satu dengan lainnya. Ini menunjukkan bahwa Garbi bukan hanya gerakan elit karena kekuatan solidaritas yang murni berasal dari pengikutGarbi di akar rumput. Dengan memanfaatkan strategi framing, formasi Garbi bisa mendominasi persepsi publik.

The integrity of the election administration and the integrity of the election organizers are important matters in the implementation of the general election. This paper aims to explore the enforcement of the integrity of the Ad Hoc Election organizers, especially at the sub-district level, namely the PPK (Sub-district Organizing Committee) in the implementation of the 2020 Sleman Regent and Deputy Regent Elections (Election). What are the efforts made by the KPU of Sleman Regency to enforce the integrity of the Ad Hoc election organizers. This research method uses the mix-method method (quantitative and descriptive qualitative). The findings of this study are, first, that there were no violations of the code of ethics, especially the integrity of the PPK during the implementation of the election stage. Second, the Sleman Regency KPU made several efforts to maintain the integrity of the PPK. Third, the integrity of the PPK is one of the factors that boost the public participation rate, which has increased from the 2015 election. Fourth, the PPK recruitment process has an important role in getting the PPK with integrity. The policy recommendation in this study is the need for sustainable political/voter education, and the results of this political/voter education can be used as raw materials in the PPK recruitment process.

This article examines the factors that led to Agus Sulistiyono's defeat in the 2019 Legislative Elections in the DIY electoral district. These factors are seen with three-dimensional indicators of the power cube theory: visible power, hidden power, and invisible power. Methodologically, this article is the result of qualitative research with a case study approach. In data collection, the results of interviews are the main source to determine the factors that influence the defeat of candidates. This finding shows that there are three indicators. First, visible power which includes the campaign strategy carried out by Agus Sulistiyono using the party constitution route spreads throughout Yogyakarta and synergizes with DPRD candidates from the same party. Second, on the hidden power indicator, by obtaining support from the supporting political parties, as well as money politics practices. Third, there is support from religious leaders. Of the three indicators, visible and hidden power is the most dominant indicator that led to the defeat of Agus Sulistiyono in the 2019 Legislative Election in the DIY Electoral District. ; Artikel ini mengkaji tentang faktor-faktor yang menyebabkan kekalahan Agus Sulistiyono sebagai calon legislatif petahana dari PKB pada Pemilu 2019 di Dapil DIY. Faktor-faktor tersebut dilihat dengan tiga indikator dimensi bentuk teori kubus kekuasaan: kekuasaan terlihat (visible power), kekuasaan tersembunyi (hidden power) dan kekuasaan tidak terlihat (invisible power). Secara metodologis, artikel ini merupakan hasil penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus. Dalam proses pengumpulan data, hasil dari kegiatan wawancara menjadi sumber utama guna mengetahui faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi kekalahan caleg petahana. Pada penelitian ini, peneliti mengidentifikasi dari tiga indikator. Pertama, yaitu kekuasaan terlihat yang meliputi strategi kampanye yang dilakukan oleh Agus Sulistiyono dengan menggunakan jalur konstitusi partai, menyebar ke seluruh DIY dan bersinergi dengan caleg DPRD dari ...

Prostitusi dan minuman keras di Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta merupakan persoalan yang tidak ada habisnya, terutama di Kota Yogyakarta. Penertiban melalui operasi-operasi dan patroli juga sudah dilakukan oleh Satpol PP Kota Yogyakarta sebagai pihak yang mempunyai tanggung jawab dalam mewujudkan ketertiban, keamanan, dan perlindungan masrayakat. Namun demikian, perkembangan prostitusi dan miras masih saja tetap bertahan hingga saat ini. Karena itu, penelitian ini bermaksud untuk mengetahui sejauh mana efektivitas kinerja dari Satpol PP Kota Yogyakarta dalam menangani persoalan prostitusi dan miras yang terjadi di Kota Yogyakarta. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif yang lebih menonjolkan data-data empiris-lapangan. Kajian ini menggunakan tiga indikator (pencapaian tujuan, integrasi, dan adaptasi) untuk mengetahui efektivitas kinerja Satpol PP dalam menangani prostitusi dan miras di Kota Yogyakarta. Temuan penelitian ini menyatakan, bahwa kinerja Satpol PP cenderung tidak efektif karena tidak ada satupun dari ketiga indikator tersebut yang berhasil dilakukan oleh Satpol PP Kota Yogyakarta. Hal ini juga menjadi tanda ketidakseriusan pemerintah Kota Yogyakarta dalam mewujudkan Kota Yogyakarta sebagai kota yang sehat dan terbebas dari prostitusi dan minuman keras. ; Prostitution and drugs in Yogyakarta Special Territory are a controversial issue, primarily in Yogyakarta City. Operations and patrols have been carried out by the Pamong Praja Police Unit (Satpol PP) of Yogyakarta City as the responsible institution in realizing order, security, and societal protection. Nonetheless, such prostitution and drugs are still surviving until the present. Therefore, this study is aimed to portray the effectiveness of the Satpol PP's performance in coping with prostitution and drugs in Yogyakarta City. Qualitative method is employed by this study by considering empirical data as the primary source of the analysis. This study uses three main indicators (achieving goals, integration, and adaptation) to find out such effectiveness. The finding demonstrates that the Satpol PP's performance tends to meet a failure because no one of the three indicators is successful. It denotes to the fact that the municipal government has not a serious effort to realize Yogyakarta City as a healthy city and free from prostitution and drugs.

Modul ini adalah Modul Praktikum A untuk Mata Kuliah Tata Kelola Pemilu. Modul A ini fokus untuk menghitung suara menjadi kursi di Pemilihan Legislatif Tingkat Nasional Tahun 2019 di 80 Daerah Pemilihan (Dapil) se-Indonesia. Karena ini adalah Modul A, maka akan ada modul-modul selanjutnya yang akan disusun oleh tim dosen pengajar mata kuliah tersebut. Modul ini berguna tidak hanya untuk kelas perkuliahan saja, tetapi juga untuk pelatihan-pelatihan kepemiluan di luar kampus baik yang diselenggarakan oleh LSM maupun oleh penyelenggara pemilu (KPU dan Bawaslu). Selamat mengerjakan. Semoga modul ini bermanfaat untuk melahirkan para ilmuwan dan praktisi di bidang kepemiluan. Salam demokrasi!