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Chapter 1: Introduction -- Chapter 2: The Far-Right Online Communities and the Dissemination of Hate -- Chapter 3: How Hashtags and Emojis Communicate Hate About Religions -- Chapter 4: Social Media Hate Against Female Journalists -- Chapter 5: Conclusion.

Political memes have been previously studied in different contexts, but this study fills a gap in literature by employing a mixed method to provide insight into the discourses of fake news on Instagram. The author collected more than 550,000 Instagram posts sent by over 198,000 unique users from 24 February 2012 to 21 December 2018, using the hashtag #fakenews as a search term. The study uses topic modelling to identify the most recurrent topics that are dominant on the platform, while the most active users are identified to understand the nature of the online communities that discuss fake news. In addition, the study offers an analysis of visual metadata that accompanies Instagram images. The findings indicate that Instagram has become a weaponized toxic platform, and the largest community of active users are supporters of the US President Donald Trump and the Republican Party, mostly trolling liberal mainstream media especially CNN, while often aligning themselves with the far-right. On the other hand, a much smaller online community attempts to troll Trump and the Republicans. Theoretically, the study relies on political memes literature and argues that Instagram has become weaponized through an ongoing 'Meme War,' for many members in the two main online communities troll and attack each other to exert power on the platform.

Background: This study empirically examines the multimodal discourses of far-right groups on mobile apps. Many fringe groups find Telegram a convenient platform to spread hate speech without the need to censor their content or fear being blocked from the platform. Analysis: This study collected all the posts from 15 far-right Telegram channels. The data was analyzed using a mixed-method approach, including an examination of profile images, hashtags, mentions, and emojis that have been weaponized to assist in hate dissemination. Conclusion and implications: The findings show that one major theme on Telegram revolves around white peoples' perceived grievances and discussions on conservatism followed by the minorities as the problem. Contexte : Contexte Cette étude examine empiriquement les discours multimodaux des groupes d'extrême droite sur les applications mobiles. De nombreux groupes marginaux trouvent Telegram une plate-forme pratique pour diffuser leurs messages haineux sans avoir besoin de censurer leur contenu ou de penser qu'ils pourraient être bloqués sur la plate-forme. Analyse : J'ai collecté tous les messages de 15 chaînes Telegram d'extrême droite. Pour analyser les données, j'ai utilisé une approche de méthode mixte comprenant un examen des images de profil, des hashtags, des mentions et des emojis qui ont tous été militarisés pour aider à la diffusion de la haine. Conclusion et implications : Les résultats montrent qu'un thème majeur tourne autour des griefs perçus des Blancs et des discussions sur le conservatisme suivi par les minorités comme problème.

Political memes have been previously studied in different contexts, but this study fills a gap in literature by employing a mixed method to provide insight into the discourses of fake news on Instagram. The author collected more than 550,000 Instagram posts sent by over 198,000 unique users from 24 February 2012 to 21 December 2018, using the hashtag #fakenews as a search term. The study uses topic modelling to identify the most recurrent topics that are dominant on the platform, while the most active users are identified to understand the nature of the online communities that discuss fake news. In addition, the study offers an analysis of visual metadata that accompanies Instagram images. The findings indicate that Instagram has become a weaponized toxic platform, and the largest community of active users are supporters of the US President Donald Trump and the Republican Party, mostly trolling liberal mainstream media especially CNN, while often aligning themselves with the far-right. On the other hand, a much smaller online community attempts to troll Trump and the Republicans. Theoretically, the study relies on political memes literature and argues that Instagram has become weaponized through an ongoing 'Meme War,' for many members in the two main online communities troll and attack each other to exert power on the platform.

In its efforts to establish order and legitimacy among the people it once controlled, Islamic State in Iraq and Syria followed standardized and systematic nation-state building policies. The terrorist group attempted to establish an imagined jihadist nation-state with the assistance of standardized media productions and practices. These media productions that are examined in this article reflect Islamic State in Iraq and Syria's unified vision of the ultra-conservative society that it once intended to form in its different territories. I argue here that Islamic State in Iraq and Syria used standardized media productions to promote strict sharia laws including emphasis on men and women's garments, distrust in secular rule, and calls for jihad in the different cities that it controlled. For Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, media is jihad and journalists are Mujahideen whose main purpose is to mobilize the masses and assist in creating a jihadist nation-state.

This study analyzes mainstream media (MSM) coverage of fake news discourse and compares it with social networking sites (SNS) users who reference the term "fakenews" in their tweets. The study employs computational methods by analyzing over 8 million tweets and 1,350 news stories using topic modeling. Building on the theory of (networked) gatekeeping and Herman and Chomsky's propaganda model, the results show that SNS users follow networked gatekeeping practices by mostly associating fake news references to the alleged bias of MSM. On the other hand, MSM coverage tends to link fake news to SNS's negative role in spreading misinformation. I argue here that there is a networked flak activity on Twitter which is defined as a collective negative response to MSM in order to discipline it, change its tone and editorial stance, or undermine the public's trust in it.

This study aims at understanding the kind of news stories social media users mostly like and comment on by examining 10 Arabic language Facebook pages run by different news organizations that posted over 85,000 news stories, generating over 26.4 million likes and 1.9 million comments. The top 100 most commented on and liked news stories from each news organization are categorized into 22 news topics. The examination of 2,000 news stories shows that there are no significant differences between liking and commenting on Facebook news. Online users mostly prefer to read news topics on local order, politics, human interest, and international politics stories when it comes to liking stories. In relation to commenting on news stories, the results show that online users mostly prefer news topics on local and regional politics, local order, and human interest.

In presenting their characters and political ideologies, Desmond Stewart (1924–81) and Ethel Mannin (1900–84) are both unique among British fiction writers because they offered different portrayals of the post-colonial Arab world than what was mostly found in Western mainstream writings. While Stewart discussed the postcolonial era in Iraq by focusing on pan-Arab national movements that rejected the British hegemony during the monarchical period, Mannin focused on the postcolonial era which followed the British occupation and was represented in the Palestinian national movements. This paper argues that Stewart and Mannin offered a more complex and diverse view of the Arab world that was far different from many other stereotypical fictional depictions. It deals more in depth with the following novels: Stewart's Leopard in the Grass (London: W. J. Pollock, 1951) and A Stranger in Eden or The Unsuitable Englishman (New York: Signet, 1954), as well as Mannin's The Road to Beersheba (Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1963) and The Night and Its Homing (London: Hutchinson, 1966).

This article investigates the way some non-Western films viewed the 9/11 attack and the impact it generated on the lives of Muslims living in the West and in their own homelands. Six films from India, Pakistan, Turkey and Egypt are studied. The results show that they all demonstrate how Eastern and Western cultures share similar principles and aspirations. Similar to Fred Halliday's claim on the myth of a 'shared Muslim identity', the films assert that Islam is not the same across all Muslim countries. The 9/11 events are used as a background for delving into the problematic issue of militant Islam in various local contexts that differ from one country to another, stressing that it is of significant domestic concern. All the films focus on the high degree of fear that Muslims living in the West felt after 11th September and emphasize that Islam cannot be equated with terrorism as ignorance and political interests rather than religious or cultural differences are the main causes of discord.